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THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
An Introduction to the Study of
Contemporary Expansionid Policy of
Japan, Italy and Germany.
By
MAHMUD HUSAIN, Ph. D.
Reader in Modern History, University of Dacca,
DACCA
1937
All rights reserved.
First Edition, January, 1937
Printed in India by TrailoJeyn Chandra 8ur at the Asutosh Piet^e^
and
Published by the Author, 2he University, Uaccot
CONTENTS
Page
Preface ... . . 7
Introduction ... ... 9
Chapter I. The Expansion of Japan ... 17
Chapter II. The Expansion of Italy ... 93
Chapter III. The Expansion of Germany ... 171
.Appendices ... ... ... 239
MAPS
1. Japan and China ... facing 65
II. Italy in Africa ... ,, I45
III. The Former Colonies of Germany „ 192
IV. Central and Eastern Europe „ 208
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PREFACE
Whoso writes the history of his own time must
expect to be attached for everything he has said, and
for everything he has not said : but those little draw-
backs should not discourage a man who loves truth
and liberty, expects nothing, fears nothing, asks
nothing, and limits his ambition to the cultivation
of letters — Voltaire
The publication of this book, in spite of its many
shortcomings, perhaps does not require an apology*
Japan^s rapid advance on the mainland of Asia,
Italy^s conquest of Abyssinia and Nazi Germany's
ambitions not only to expand towards the east
but to find a place in the colonial sun are striking
manifestations of expansionist activity. It is hoped
that a work in which an attempt has been made
to explain the imperialist policies of these countries
may prove to be of some use to the reader and may
help him to understand an important aspect of the
complicated international relations of the present
time.
There are certain paragraphs in the book which
occur in my articles published in the Calcutta Ttevieio
and the Modern Review : I have refrained from
disturbing them, because, in the words of a famous
r
PREFACE
historian, “where it happens that the same thing
has to be said at the same length, it is an afiectation
to vary the words/^
From among the numerous books and journals
in English and German which I have consulted,
I should like to make particular and grateful mention
of Toynbee's Survey of Itiiernational Affaiis,
Wheeler-Bennett^s Documents on Intern ational
Affairs and the publications of the League of Nations
and the German Colonial Society.
My thanks arc due to a small group of friends
who have encouraged and helped me in the
preparation of this work, particularly to
Professor M. Hasan, Professor H. L. Dey and Dr,
W. H. A. Shadani.
Dacca, January, 1937. Mahmud Husain
8
INTRODUCTION
For some time past it has been the fashion to
divide the industrially advanced nations of the world
into two categories, the Haves and the Have-nots,
Great Britain, France, U.S.A., Russia and certain
smaller countries such as Belgium, Holland and
Portugal are supposed to be satiated Powers, because
they either possess extensive empires, or like the
U.S.A. and Russia, are themselves very large and
rich. To the category of the Haie-Vfots belong, above
all, Japan, Italy and Germany.^ Although the desire
for colonial expansion is not peculiar to these
countries, it is particularly strong among them.
There is much that is common to the history of
these countries ; and there are many points of
resemblance in the situation in which they find
themselves to-day. When these countries became
industrialized and strong, they found that other
nations had stolen a march over them and had
divided among themselves all the prized territories
of the world. All the three countries joined the
World War, though not on the same side, principally
for the sake of territorial expansion. Germany was
I For their area and population see Appendices
1 and II.
9
INTRODUCTION
defeated, and, instead of obtaining new possessions,
she lost all that she had acquired in difficult circum-
stances. Italy and Japan belonged to the camp of
victors, but even their expectations were not fulfilled
and they felt that they had been ‘betrayed’ at
Versailles. To-day Japan, Italy and Germany
are confronted with the same problems. There is
the same ‘population pressure’ and there are similar
economic needs. Moreover, all the three countries
are motivated by the same autocratic and militaristic
ideas.
There are two often-repeated explanations of the
tendency to expansion in industrial States displayed
so strikingly at the present time in Japan, Italy and
Germany. One explanation is given by the
‘Gcopoliticians’, the other by the ‘Historical Mate-
rialists’. The essence of the theory of ‘geopolitics’,
propounded by Ratzcl, Kjcllen and Haushofer, w
that certain geographical factors such as climate,
size, position and soil of a country determine its
politics. According to this theory it is only natural
that Japan, Italy and Germany should follow a
policy of territorial expansion.' The geopoliticians
agree with Mussolini that for these countries, “the
1. I'lie famous German periodical Zeitsvhrift fur
Geopolitik', edited by Professor Haushofer, is the mouth-
piece of t'le geopolitu ians. The English historian Buckle
is to geopoliticians what Marx is to historical materialists.
10
INTRODUCTION
choice is between foreign expansion and domestic
exp]osion^^
The Historical Materialists, led by Lenin, Trotsky
and the greatest of Bolshevist theorists, Bukharin,
denounce the writings of Kjellen and others as
“childish prattle, and assert that Imperialism is the
last and inevitable stage in the development of
capitalism. The latest stage of the system of
capitalistic economy is that in which surplus capital
seeks new fields for investment in foreign countries
because of the ever-diminishing returns at home.
These writers denounce imperialism, but to them
it is an evil which cannot be avoided under the
capitalist system.
Both these theories seem to be one-sided.
Although it cannot be denied that geographical
factors exercise a profound influence on politics, yet
they cannot explain all political movements. The
insular position of Great Britain may explain many
but not all aspects of British national life. Similarly^
imperialism has sometimes nothing to do with
capitalism. In fact imperialism is decidedly older
than capitalism. Even to-day we notice that the
export of surplus capital is not always directly
connected with the acquisition of colonies. Italy,
for example, has no capital to invest in Abyssinia ;
1. Bukharin in Foreign Jffutts, vol. 14, no. 4.
11
INTRODUCTION
and the capital which flows from highly industrialized
countries does not necessarily flow to their own
colonies.
There are certain other economic arguments in
favour of expansion which are so often heard in
Japan, Italy and G rmany and are considered as so
many justifications for the line along which they
are moving.
Colonies are considered as outlets for the surpuls
population of the densely populated countries. It is
also said that imperial possessions ensure access to
essential raw materials and foodstuffs, and they
serve as markets for the industrial output of the
mother country. Moreover, for certain classes
of people in the mother country, expansion
means new opportunities to govern and to
secure a large number of well-paid administrative
posts.
The idea of the economic utility of colonies has
been questioned by many writers in those countries
which are fortunate in possessing large empires,
particularly in Great Britain. The English publicists
argue, with the help of statistics, that the colonies
do not pay. Trade, they assert, no longer follows
the flag, and colonial possessions do not always have
a direct bearing on the population problem,
Similarly, industrial States possessing large empires
12
INTRODUCTION
do not got all the raw materials and foodstuflfs from
their own possessions. '
It cannot be denied that there is some truth in
those criticisms of the economic justification for
expansion. Colonics, however, are not quite so
worthless as they are depicted to be. Otherwise,
why should the Hares object to a redistribution of
the colonial world. The claims of the Hate-nots
could be at once amicably settled if the colonies,
instead of being assets, were so many encumbrances.
But at the same time we should not forget that
“nations cannot solely live on economic considera-
tions^\ Many non-economic factors influence their
policies.
Colonies, for instance, are coveted by States
because they can supply them with man power, a
lesson which European countries learnt particularly
during the World War. How can France with a
population of 40 millions be a match for Germany
with its H5 million people, without the help of her
colonial troops ? Strategic and political considera-
tions often compel States to extend their dominion
to territories which are otherwise of no value.
I The Ec<momist, October 26. find November 16, 1935.
Many American writers hold the same views. See Moon,
Imiferialism and World Pclitics, Schumann, International
Politics^ and Langer, Critique of I mpetialism in Foreign
Affair 5 ^ vol. 14, no. i.
13
INTRODUCTION
It is natural that the history of a nation should
also influence its policy. The Fascists of Italy have
been greatly influenced by the Roman tradition ;
and the conquest of Abyssinia was also due among
other things to the bitter memory of the defeat of
Adowa (1896). AVhen Hitler speaks of Germany's
urgent need for colonies, he particularly emphasizes
that “tlie moral stigma of deprivation of colonies
■must be removed^^
Independent nations very often have the ambition
to become World Powers. Some of them would
risk their all for this greatness. “Germany^^, pro-
claims Hitler, “must either become a World Power
or cease completely to exist'\ The possession of
colonies is considered to be an essential attribute
of greatness. It is true that there are Powers with
vast colonial domains, Belgium for instance, which
do not belong to the category of Great Powers,
and there are others such as Russia which are
considered great even though they do not possess
colonial empires ; but for most people the great-
ness of a country and territorial expansion go
together.
Patriotism and national pride demand a place
in the sun, irrespective of its political and economic
advantages. “Many a man^^ says Norman Thomas,
"without six feet of earth in which to be buried
14
lOTEODUClTON
is swollen with pride because his country owns^
an empire/^ ^
As a rule autocratic form of government with
its heroic conception of life and its armaments and
eulogy of war also helps in creating in the minds
of the people the desire to expand. In those
countries which arc governed autocratically, one
hears not infrequently of their riglit^ to subjugate
other nations
When governments find themselves confronted
with serious economic and social problems, they often
turn to expansion. i\ggressive im[)eriali.st policy
4ias proved on many an occasion the surest method
of distracting the people^s minds from domestic ills.
Further, it cannot be denied that many nations
honestly believe in their civilizing mission. It
may be that when politicians talk of their duty
to confer the benefits of civilization on primitive
and backward countries, they do not always mean
what they say. In fact they often remind us of
the saying that “man was given a tongue to hide
his thoughts^^ When Mussolini asserted that the
object of the Italian annexation of Abyssinia was
the abolition of slavery, no one believed him. But
it is difficult to imagine whole nations consisting of
hypocrites only. When an average citizen of
1. The ChaUenge of War*
15
INTRODUCTION
Great Britain or France speaks of the “white man's
burden'' and of the good that his country's rule
has done to the Negroes of Africa, he is undoubtedly
sincere.
Finally, the contention, though somewhat ex-
aggerrated, is not altogether false that there are
occasions when States conquer other territories,
not because of their economic value and other
advantages but merely for the sake of conquest.
Here imperialism becomes an end in itself.
In the pages that follow an attempt has been
made to describe the present Quest for Empire
somewhat in detail from the points of view men-
tioned above.
2. Joseph Schumpeter, Zur Soziologie der Impetialtsmen,
16
CHAPTER I
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
A review of the so-called “continental’'
policy of Japan, by which is meant the
expansion of the country on the mainland,
should naturally begin with the consi-
deration of certain important facts
regarding the Japanese situation. We
should examine permanent factors as well
as recent happenings which determine
present Japanese policy. Perhaps the
most important problem of Japan is the
economic problem ; Japan sutlers, parti-
cularly, from over-population, and short-
age of raw materials, minerals and food
stuffs.
To-day the population of Japan proper
— excluding the imperial possessions,
Korea, Formosa and Manchukuo — is esti-
mated to be about 70 million. In this
connection it may be of interest to know
that less than a century ago the popula-
tion of Japan was just over 25 million.
From the middle of the eighteenth to the
19
THE QUEST FOR EMPHIE
middle of the nineteenth century the
population remained on a uniform level.
It remained almost stationary in spite of
the efforts of the state to increase it for
political reasons, and in spite of the
exhortations of the Church. The Church
asked people to leave more children to
pray for the souls of their parents !’ But
there were too many famines and
epidemics during this period which
prevented an increase in the population.
With the modernization of Japan during
the second half of the nineteenth century,
however, its population began to increase
by the proverbial leaps and bounds. It
was 26 million in 1846, 36 million in 1882,
46 million in 1903, 69 million in 1925,
and at present it is estimated to be about
70 million. This extraordinary increase
in population was the natural outcome
of the transformation of mediaeval
Japan into a modern industrial state.
For many years the increase was most
I. Nitobe, Japan, p, 266,
20
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
welcome, as new Japan was in need of
urban workers. It was the “optimum
population” that was growing. But
ultimately there came a stage when the
increasing numbers could not be absorb-
ed by the industries. Now the growth
ought to have stopped. But unfortunately
for China and perhaps for many other
countries — who knows ? — the Japanese
continued to increase at what has been
aptly called an “Oriental” birth rate of
32.92/1000, whereas, because of their
advanced position in the world of science,
they had now a “European” death rate
of 17.72/1000,' The annual increase in
the population of Japan is about 900,000
on average.’ In point of density of
population, Japan stands fifth in the
world, as the density in Belgium,
Holland, Germany and England is
greater than in Japan, while in Italy it
1. Foreign Affairs ^ vol. 13, no. 2.
2. Japanese Trade and Industry by Mitsubishi
Economic Research Bureau (1936), p. 57.
21
THE QTJEST FOE EMPIRE
is about equal. But if in calculating^
the density only the cultivated area is
taken into consideration, it will be found
that, in comparison with other highly
industrialised and extremely thickly
populated countries, the Japanese ratio
is exceptionally high. According to this
calculation the density per kilometer
would be 661 in Belgium, 865 in England,
308 in Italy and 1,156 in Japan.'
This huge Japanese population is to
be supported by a country which is not
only small in size — the total area of
Japan proper being 147,611 sq. miles’ —
but which is very poor in natural
resources. Japan proper is mainly moun-
tainous, the cultivated territory being
only 167o of the total area. Japan has to
import not only all the important mine-
rals and raw materials for her industries—
iron, coal and cotton, for instance — but
also a certain percentage of food stuffs.
1. Japanese Trade and Industry ^ p. 56.
2. Statesman' s Year Book (1936), p. 1073.
22
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
Japan is a great industrial country. But,
curiously, before the conquest of Man-
churia she lacked all the requirements of
modern industrial development.
A glance at the following table will
show how dependent Japan has been on
the imports of raw materials and food
stuffs from foreign countries : —
Imports of Raw Materials and Food
Stuffs in 1929, (in 1,000 Yen).'
Raw Materials
Raw materials for
the textile industry
including cotton
and wool... 710,090
Ores & metals
269,731
Crude & heavy
oils ... 46,603
Crude rubber 33,886
Coal ••• 42,979
Oil cake 76,919
Wood and
timber 88,838
Fodder 24,646
Oil yielding mate-
rials
30,778
Phosphorite
13,455
Sulphate of
ammonia
48,086
Pulp
13,486
Hides and
leather
20,103
(l) Japanese Trade and Industry, Part VI, Ch. XXX.
23
THE QTJEST FOB EMPIRE
Food Stuffs
Beans and
peas 78,746
Wheat 70,896
Salt 4,416
Sugar 31,160
Indian corn 3,672
Meat 7,878
No doubt other great industrial coun-
tries, such as Great Britain, Holland and
Belgium have also to import raw
materials from outside but, then, they
possess vast empires from where to
import ; and for their surplus populations
there is ample room for expansion
within their own imperial territories.
But Japan’s imperial possessions before
the conquest of Manchuria were insigni-
ficant in comparison with those of the
great colonial nations of the West.
Even Belgium, Holland, Portugal, Italy,
and Spain, not to speak of Great
Britain and France, possessed greater
Empires than did Japan. While the
colonial Empire of Belgium was eighty
times as large as the mother country,
24
THE EXPANSION OP JAPAN
and of Great Britain over one hundred
times, Japanese possessions were not
even as large as Japan proper, the ratio
of the mother country to the dependen-
cies being 1. 2 to 1. 0.
What could be the possible solutions
of the Japanese economic problem ? On
examination it seems there are five
remedies, if the policy of inaction be not
regarded as one. Such a policy we may
at once dismiss as wholly inapplicable to
a nation which believes in human efiort
and which can never accept the fatalistic
idea which is completely foreign to its
mind. Modern Japan, so powerful, so
advanced in science and so ambitious,
cannot be expected to adopt this policy
in face of a real danger to the already low
standard of living of her people, if not to
their very existence. The problem has
to be faced and a solution has to be
found. As pointed out before, there are
several possible solutions. To begin
with there is the policy of restriction of
25
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
population by means of birth control.
Then comes the policy of pure colonisa-
tion or emigration ; or the Japanese may
concentrate on the improvement of agri-
culture and expansion of trade. Japan
even without a colonial empire may
perhaps feed a much larger population
than she has at present, and maintain a
decent standard of living provided she
is able to increase the food supplies by
improvements in the methods of agricul-
ture and extension of cultivated areas,
and provided she is in a position to
expand her industries and trade. Lastly,
there is the policy of empire-building.
1. Restriction of Population
In the present age of Planned Econo-
my it should not be impossible to restrict
the population of a country. No wonder
birth control is occasionally suggested as
a remedy for the Japanese problem. It
is, however, not a solution of the imme-
26
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
diate difficulties. It may have its effect
only in the distant future. If resort is
had to birth control on a nation-wide
scale — a problem by itself — the problem
of over-population may become less acute
in future, but this remedy will be of little
help to the people of today. Besides
practical considerations there are moral
and political objections which make the
task of the champion of this system in
Japan extremely difficult. When publi-
cists of other countries suggest birth
control to the Japanese, the5^ suspect
their motive and consider it as a “foreign
plot to undermine Japan’s prestige.”*
Religion in Japan, as elsewhere, is very
hostile towards its adoption, though for
reasons different from those advanced by
other religions. The most effective
argument, however, against birth control
is its ineffectiveness.
I. Foreign Affairs, vol. 13, no. 2.
27
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
2. Emigration
Past experience shows that the
Japanese are not good colonizers. Asa
rule they do not like to leave their
country even when other countries ofter
great opportunities. The result is that
even Japanese possessions, not to speak
of other countries, have not been able to
attract many people from Japan, After
several decades of Japanese rule, only
2.6 per cent of the people of Korea
and 6 per cent of Formosa are members
of the ruling nation. However paradoxi-
cal it may sound, it is a fact, as has been
pointed out by a writer, that the number
of Koreans who have made Japan their
home since 1910 exceeds the number of
the Japanese who have emigrated to
Korea during the same period.'
It is not easy to overcome the
natural reluctance of the Japanese
people to leave their fatherland, but
I. Foreign Affairs, vol. 13, no. 2.
28
THE EXPANSION OP JAPAN
there are other even more serious
difficulties. Had the Japanese been free
to emigrate in large numbers to Siberia,
China, America, the British dominions
or the Dutch East Indies, the policy of
Japan would have been perhaps very
different from what it is to-day. But
that is not possible.
The Siberian climate, even if there
was no other hindrance, practically
prohibits any Japanese settlement in
the region. Nature has debarred the
Japanese from this territory. As
regards China, apart from the fact that
it is on the whole an already over-
populated country, low-paid Chinese
labour makes Japanese immigration
economically fruitless. The Japanese,
despite their own low wage standard,
cannot compete with Chinese workers
in the labour market. In fact, partly
due to this reason Japanese emigration
to Korea has been negligible. And the
standard of living of the Chinese is
29
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
certainly not improving, if not actually
deteriorating.
Another territory for emigration is
South America, specially Brazil, Here
the Japanese in the past were welcomed
for various reasons but mainly because
of their low wage standard. For the
last few years, however, the quota
admissible into South America has been
strictly limited and in Brazil, particularly
since the passing of constitutional
amendment in May 1934, the door is
practically closed.
As regards the United States, when
Japan came into contact with them,
their policy was to encourage immigra-
tion. Many people from Japan went over
to the U.S.A. during the last three
decades of the nineteenth century. But
in the course of time, as their population
grew, there arose a serious friction
between the two countries over this
very question. Ultimately in 1907 a
■'‘Gentlemen’s Agreement” was concluded.
30
THE EXPANSION OP JAPAN
Japan voluntarily undertook to restrict
the migration of Japanese labourers.
Since then Japanese emigration to the
States had been small, but since 1924
when the Exclusion Act was passed, and
when the U.S.A. adopted a “racial Monroe
Doctrine” it has been wholly stopped'.
The Dutch Indies and Philippines
are similarly closed to the Japanese.
Last of all there are the British
dominions, specially Australia with the
adjoining islands. For many reasons
Australia is most suitable for Japanese
colonization. Australia has much
undeveloped territory and considerable
mineral wealth. But the population of
this continent in proportion to its size
and natural wealth is very small indeed.
Australia with eleven times as large a
territofy as that of the whole Japanese
Empire, excluding Manchukuo, has less
I. Tsurumi in his Present Day Japan describes how
deeply this Act has wounded the feelings of the Japanese
people.
31
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
than l/14th of its population*. And
even this small population is concentrated
almost wholly in half a dozen cities.
If we take Northern Australia alone — a
territory in which Japan should be
specially interested because of its
nearness and the virgin state of its soil —
we find that it is a territory almost
without a people. The population of
the whole of Northern Australia does not
exceed a few thousand souls. But
in spite of this “boundless emptiness”,
in spite of the fact that Australia has
“more trees than men,” she has closed
her doors to all coloured peoples. “It is
a great pity”, truly observes a Japanese
writer, “that artificial laws of other
nations are standing between Japan
and her natural expansion abroad”.*
New Zealand, the Dutch East Indies and
Canada have similarly closed their doors
to Japanese immigration.
1. Statesman' s Year Book (1936).
2. Quoted by Etherton, The Pacific : A Forecast p. 86.
32
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
This brief review of Japan’s chances
of emigration shows clearly that to-day,
due partly to Japanese temperament,
but largely to the policy of the countries
concerned, emigration cannot be consi-
dered as a solution of the Japanese
population problem. Japan, therefore,
must find out some other remedy.
8. Extension and Improvement of Agriculture
The possibilities of improving the
technique of agriculture and of extending
arable land have been examined by
competent men. As regards the extension
of cultivated areas it has been pointed
out that in Japan proper during the
last fifty years an area corresponding
to about 367o of the previously cultiva-
ted land has been converted into arable
land, as shown in the following Table' : —
Rate of
1880
1934
increase.
Paddy fields
... 2,599
3,192
2.Z%
Upland farms
... 1,835
2,796
52%
Total
... 4,434
5,988
36%
I. Japanese Trade and Industry, Ch. XI.
3
33
THE QUEStIfOR EMPIRE
During the last half century much of
the waste land has been with great
difficulty converted into arable land.
There is now little prospect of increasing
agricultural production in this manner,
as all land that was at all suitable for
cultivation is now being cultivated.
As regards the improvement of
agricultural methods it has been suggest-
ed that there are possibilities in this
direction.
If advanced and more scientific
methods are employed, perhaps a 20 per
cent, increase in agricultural output
may be efiected. Japan has in fact
already taken up this work seriously. But
even if she succeeds in increasing the
agricultural returns by 20 per cent, it
would not suffice for the rapid increase in
the population. It has been estimated
that by improvement and extension
Japan can at best add the equivalent of
75,000 acres yearly to total agricultural
production. “This is inadequate, however,
34
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
not merely because the maximum yield
per acre is being rapidly approached, but
because 142^000 acres must be added
each year to meet the rice requirements
alone of the annual increase in popu-
lation’’.'
4. Expansion of Trade
Another alternative for Japan is to
concentrate attention on the develop-
ment of industries and expansion of trade
in countries in no way politically
dependent upon her.
In this connection if we look at the
most important industrial and commer-
cial nations of the world, we notice that
some of them — Great Britain, France,
Holland and Belgium — possess extensive
empires. There are others — U.S.A. and
U.S.S.R. — which are themselves large
geographical units and for their prospe-
rity they are not so much dependent
upon foreign markets and sources of
I. Hindmarch in Foreign Affairs, Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 266.
35
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
supply for raw materials. But, leaving
aside Germany and Italy, which are after
building up empires, there are other
industrial countries which neither possess
colonial empires, nor do they consist of
large areas, yet are found in a flourishing
condition, Norway and Sweden are
cited as typical examples of such coun-
tries. The secret of their prosperity, it
is said, lies in their own eificiency and
in their complete detachment from the
dissensions of the world. They honestly
follow a policy of peace. It is no
exaggeration to say that, thanks to the
flourishing state of their industries and
commerce, they are economically better
ofi than many of the imperialist nations.
Why should not Japan adopt the same
policy ?
The answer to this question is that
Japan — 'whether by its own free choice
or not is immaterial — has already given
this policy a trial. From 1922 to 1931
when Japan was being governed by
36
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
liberal statesmen and when the merchant
class was in control of government, she
consistently followed a policy of “com-
mercial expansion” and “political good
neighbourliness”.' During this period
Japan tried to be on friendly terms with
China, not always an easy task. She
showed great self-restraint in face of the
unprovoked and not deserved Exclusion
Act of 1924 passed by the U.S.A. She
allowed the Anglo- Japanese Alliance to
lapse. In many other ways Japan
“gave impressive evidence of her will to
peace”*. During these years her supreme
aim seems to have been the further
development of her industries and the
expansion of trade, in order to provide
means of livelihood for her growing
population. The most prominent states-
men of Japan gave their blessings to this
policy. And it must be admitted that
for a few years, until about 1925, the
1. Survey of International Affairs 1931, p. 400.
2. ihid.
37
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
policy was successful. But in 1926, that
is to say even before the World Depres-
sion set in, Japanese international trade
began to slacken, and in every successive
year the condition turned from bad to
worse. The reasons for the decline were
two : protective policy of other nations
and the attacks of Chinese nationalism,
which though directed against the
interested powers in general, specially
hit Japan, and took the form of boycott.
Then came the world Economic Depres-
sion, the last straw on the camel’s back,
and the consequent social uneasiness.
The following table explains why the
policy of peaceful economic penetration
became discredited in Japan and was
abandoned in 1931. The years 1933 and
1934 did show a great increase in
Japanese Export Trade. This was,
however, due to the fall in the value of
the Yen and therefore it is somewhat
misleading. It must also be pointed out
that the increase led to further drastic
38
TFTK EXPANSION OF JAPAN
restrictions on Japanese goods in most
countries of the world. Today there is
hardly any country that has not imposed
fresh ‘dumping’ duties on Japanese
goods.
JAPANESE INTERNATIONAL TRADE'-
(In millions of Yen)
Year. 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931
Imports. 1943 2407 2487 2305 2099 2133 2169 1507 1206
Exports. 1409 1761 2220 1972 1912 1909 2100 1430 Iii 5
5. Empire-Building
We have discussed the possible
methods of the solution of the Japanese
problem. They have been complete
failures in the eyes of the Japanese
people. The only method that remains
for the Japanese is to acquire political
and economic control of foreign terri-
tories. These territories should be such
I. League of Nations Memoranda on International
Trade quoted in the Survey of International Affairs, 193 * i
p. 402.
39
THE QXTEST FOB EMPIEE
as would serve as markets for Japanese
finished goods. They should constitute
sources of supply for the required raw
materials and fuel. The Japanese
should be able to invest their capital
profitably in these territories, and so far
as possible exclusively exploit them
economically. Unfortunately, exclusive
economic exploitation is not possible
without political domination. In short
Japan is in need of a country which
should be to her what India and other
dependencies have been to G-reat Britain.
Geographers and historians have noticed
many points of resemblance between
Great Britain and Japan. The resem-
blance, however, was till recently absent
in one important respect. Whereas
Great Britain possessed more than a
quarter of the earth’s surface, the outside
possessions of ‘the Britain of the East*,
before the conquest of Manchuria, were
comparatively iusignificant. It would
have been surprising if the Japanese —
40
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
universally recognized as the masters
of the art of imitation — had not imitated
Great Britain in this respect as well.
The Japanese in recent years have
adopted a definite policy of subjugating
their neighbours, not merely because of
economic reasons, which are formidable
in themselves, but also because this
policy is in conformity with their general
outlook on life and specially with the
present attitude of the younger
generation.
The Japanese have been a martial
nation from olden times. We need not
discuss the circumstances which have
made them a martial people — their
insular position has been perhaps the
greatest contributory factor' — but their
militarist character is undeniable : and
even more important is their mentality.
The Japanese consider themselves
to be the direct descendants of the Sun-
I. Ballard, Influence of the Sea on the Political History
of Japan.
41
THE QUEST FOB EMPIEE
Goddess. They claim that they are the
“Children of the Gods”, and that they
are the only race on earth that can make
this claim. It is a part of their creed
that members of other races are
barbarians. The Japanese attitude
towards the foreigner, in spite of extreme
outwardly politeness, is of contempt
and suspicion. The belief in their own
superiority, irrespective of economic
needs, is also responsible for a desire on
their part to subjugate other peoples.
The Japanese believe that they are of
divine origin, and that it is their right
and duty to govern others.
A few years ago the Chinese news-
papers of Canton published an interesting
document'. According to these news-
papers the Emperor of Japan, in the
year 1926, asked the then Premier,
Baron Tanaka, to prepare a plan of
I. The Document has also been mentioned in
Wheeler- Bennett’s Documents on International Affairs
( 193 *)*
42
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
Japanese expansion abroad, for the
future guidance of Japanese governments.
The Premier prepared a plan after
one year’s careful study of the interna-
tional situation and submitted it te
the Emperor. This imperialist programme
has been divided into six periods. First
of all it is proposed to take Manchuria
and Mongolia, for reasons not far to seek ;
then (2) the valley of the Yangtse, the
richest and the most populous Chinese
territory ; after which (3) is the turn of
South China ; then (4) of Indo-China ; and
(6) of Dutch East Indies and Philippines ;
and lastly (6) of India ! Detailed sugges-
tions are given as to the means which
should be adopted in bringing every one
of these territories under control, most
of the suggestions being based on lessons
of history, specially that of British
India. The authenticity of the document
may of course be challenged ; and let us
hope that the programme will never be
fulfilled I It cannot be denied, however,,
43
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
that India figures largely in the
calculations of the militarists of
Japan.
Leaving aside hidden schemes, there
are open pronouncements. General
Araki, the idol of the youth of Japan
and one of the principal organizers of
the Manchurian invasion, clearly defined
the ‘mission’ of J apan in a speech before
the General Stafi : —
“What is the present state of
the East ? India with its popula-
tion of 300,000,000 lives in dire
misery under Britain’s oppressive
rule. There is not a vestige of
liberty left in the fertile plains of
Central Asia and Siberia. Mon-
golia, that land of peace has be-
come a second Central Asia. The
countries of the Far East are the
object of pressure on the part of
white races. But awakened Japan
can no longer tolerate further
tyranny and oppression at their
44
THE EXPANSION OP JAPAN
hands... As a divine country in the
Eastern Seas and the senior nation
of Asia, Japan’s aspirations are
great and her responsibility is
heavy”*.
An interesting book has been recently
published by Lt. Commander Tota
Ishimaru, ^ Japan Must Fight Britain\
which throws light on Japanese
ambitions with regard to India. In
the words of this author, “the inhabi-
tants of India are burning to throw off
the yoke of the foreign oppressor”. He
explains fully his scheme about the
conquest of India.
Pronouncements such as these leave
no room for doubt that the Japanese
are looking forward to a time when their
hegemony over Asia will be an accom-
plished fact. It is the “Yellow Man’s
Burden” ! Japan may not, probably
will not, conquer other parts of Asia as
I. The Japan Weekly Chronicle^ i6th March, *933,
quoted by O'Conroy, The Menace of Japan, p. 26if.
45
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
she has conquered Manchuria and the
adjacent territories, but she is not going
to be satisfied with anything short of
the dominant position in the East. The
Japanese regard themselves as the
natural leaders of Asia and they believe
they are entrusted with the task of
protecting this continent. How can
they shirk their “responsibility*' !
Let us now look at the problem from
another angle. If we examine Japanese
history, it would seem that the present
Japanese policy is a natural outcome of
past developments. Modern Japanese
history is the most extraordinary record
of the transformation of an insignificant
people into an imperialistic nation.
Once the Japanese had adopted Western
fashions in administration, sanitation,
engineering and warfare, and conse-
quently become powerful, they began
to feel the need of overseas possessions.
Ohina was near at hand. China, being
weak and divided, fell an easy prey to
46
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
the aggrandizement of foreign nations,
including the Japanese. In 1894 there
was a war between China and Japan.
This may be regarded as the first
important imperialist attempt on the part
of the Japanese, although even before
that date Japan had acquired numerous
small islands. For instance in 1876, only
seven years after the Meiji Restoration,
the Kuriles, a chain of thirty islands
lying to the north-east, were annexed.
Two years later the Bonin Islands,
twenty-seven in number, were acquired.
In 1879 the Lu Chus were taken posses-
sion of, which form an archipelago
of fifty-five islands, the soil of which
is very rich and fertile. The Volcano
Islands adjoining the Bonin Islands
were annexed in 1891. Then the
Sino-Japanese War ( 1894-96 ) disclosed
that China was the “Sick Man” of the
Far East. People spoke of the “impen-
ding break-up” of China. Western
Powers rushed to the Par East in their
47
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
mad greed for new territories. The
partition of China seemed to be just a
question of time. The success of Japan
in this War would have been even more
complete but for the interference of
other powers, particularly of Russia.
Even then by the Treaty of Shimonoseki
Japan acquired Formosa, an extremely
fertile island, specially suitable for the
production of sugar. Unlike other
previous Japanese acquisitions, Formosa
was a purely Chinese island, and even
to-day 94 per cent of its people are
Chinese. China had also to cede the
Pescadores Islands and to recognize the
independence of Korea, which meant
that the Japanese could now dominate
Korea. But because of the joint action
of Russia, Grermany and France, Japan
was compelled to give up all claims
over the Liaotung Peninsula, which
by the same treaty had been ceded by
China. It was not due to humanitarian
reasons that these three powers had come
48
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
forward to champion the cause of weak
China. As the history of their later
relations with that country shows, their
real motive was different, and they soon
got the reward of their ‘assistance’ to
China.
Of the Powers that were at the time
taking advantage of the weakness of
China, Russia appeared to bo in a very
favourable position. Japan was not yet
strong enough to challenge single-handed
the Western Powers on the mainland.
The growing power of Russia and the
mutual danger of a conflict with that
country led to the conclusion of the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance of 1902. Perhaps
the most important provision of this
treaty was this : “Should either contrac-
ting power become involved in a conflict
with any third power, the other would
exert its influence to prevent others
from joining in hostilities against its ally.
Should, however, any third power
intervene, it should be the duty of the
49
4
THE QUEST FOK EMPIRE
other contracting power to come to the
assistance of its ally, and to maintain
war in common.*'
That this alliance was very significant
lor the strengthening of Japanese
position goes without saying. The treaty,
which was to last for five years in the
first instance, was the first of its kind
concluded between an Oriental power
and one of the leading nations of the
West.
In 1904 came the Russo-Japanese
War. The war resulted in a great
victory for the land of the Rising Sun.
Japan secured from Russia the Southern
portion of Sakhalin and the Kwantung
Leased Area, apart from the South
Manchuria Railway. Special economic
rights were granted to Japan in Korea,
by far the largest possession of Japan
before the conquest of Manchuria with
an area of 86,613 sq. miles and a popula-
tion of 13 million at that time and of
20 million at present. Formal annexa-
50
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
tion came in 1910. The consequence of
Japanese success against Russia was
that Japan at once became a World
Power. But in spite of this success
she still valued British friendship. And
the fact that the Anglo- Japanese
Alliance was renewed shortly before the
signing of the Treaty of Portsmouth
showed that Great Britain on her side
was also anxious to be on friendly terms
with a power whose prestige was “a thing
to conjure with throughout all Asia.”
The Alliance was renewed for a second
time in 1911, and it was in force on the
eve of the World War.
Consequently Japan joined the Allies.
She reaped a fairly large harvest as a
result of the War. Without much effort
and with little sacrifice Japan defeated
Germany in the Pacific and conquered all
the German possessions, including Shan-
tung. Then she turned towards China
and finally, after the overthrow of the
Tsarist regime, towards Russia. The
51
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
well-known Twenty-one Demands were
presented in 1916, the object of which
was to convert China into a Japanese
protectorate. In spite of the support of
the interested powers China had no
option but to accept the substance of
these Demands. The Demands, as
well as her attitude towards Russia,
revealed the true nature of Japan’s
expansionist policy in the Far East.
But the Western Powers were not in a
position to check the Japanese advance
in China. In fact in the year 1917 (by
the Lansing-Ishii Agreement concluded
on November 3,) the U.S.A. themselves
recognized that “territorial propin-
quity creates special relations between
countries” and that “Japan has special
interests in China, particularly in the
part to which her possessions are
contiguous.” But the efforts of Japan
to extend her dominion to the neigh-
bouring territories, which had been
successful during the War, because of
52
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
the preoccupation of otiior powers else-
where, were effectively neutralized first
by the Paris Peace Conference and then
by the Washington Conference of 1921 - 22 .
Like Italy Japan came out of the Peace
Conference of Paris a dissatisfied nation.
Most of her demands vis-a-vis China
were not accepted. Still Japan was
made the lease-holder of Germany’s
naval base at Kiouchau. She succeeded
to all the economic concessions
formerly enjoyed by Germany in the
populous Shantung Peninsula. She
acquired an extensive “sphere of
influence” in Southern Manchuria and
she received a mandate — a disguised
form of possession, specially when it
belongs to category ‘C' — over the
formerly German owned islands in the
Pacific comprising the Marianne, Caroline
and Marshall groups. These islands are
valuable for Japan not only for economic
but for strategic reasons. For as a
result, the Philippines and Guam have
53
THE QXIEST FOB EMPIBE
been practically isolated and are at the
mercy of the Japanese navy. Japan has
been able to tighten her grip on the
communications between China and the
outside world. Having been disappointed
at the verdict of the Peace Conference
Japan embarked on a huge naval
building programme in order to realize
her ambitions on the mainland. On her
side Great Britain by this time had
begun to feel that the Anglo- Japanese
Alliance was being exploited by Japan
to her own exclusive advantage. The
Americans openly said that “while the
Alliance lasted, the hands of Great
Britain were tied as far as Japan’s
aggressive policy on the mainland was
concerned.” They accused Great Britain
of forsaking the policy of the Open Door,
and of being responsible for Japanese
expansionist policy. It was thought to
be in the interest of both the English-
speaking peoples to call a halt to the
growth of Japan’s prestige and power
54
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
lest she should oust both the nations
from the Far East. Japan was now
claiming special privileges in China, and
to enforce her will she was rapidly increa-
sing her armaments and expanding her
navy. It was in order to settle these
problems that the Washington Confer-
ence was called towards the end of 1921 .
As a result of the Conference
J apan had to give up, at least for the
time being, her ambitious programme
of political domination over the Chinese
continent. The Shantung Peninsula
was to be transfeiTed from Japan to
China. As a result of the Nine Power
Treaty she had to accept the principle
of the Open Door and had to forego the
claim for an exclusive control of China.
She, along with other signatories, agreed
not only to respect the sovereignty and
independence and territorial integrity
of China but also “to refrain from taking
advantage of conditions in China in
order to seek special rights or privileges
55
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
which would abridge the rights of subjects
or citizens of friendly states, and from
countenancing action inimical to the secu-
rity of such states.” (Art. I, Part. 4 of the
Nine Power Pact, Feb., 1922. Parties :
Great Britain, U.S.A., Japan, China,
France, Belgium, Holland, Portugal, and
Italy.) The Anglo-Japanese Alliance
came to an end. The termination of
this alliance has been considered a
master stroke of international diplomacy.
Japan as a result became diplomatically
isolated. She had to accept an inferior
position in the naval sphere. A ratio
of 6 : 6 : 3 was fixed for the war navies
of Great Britain, U. S. A. and Japan
respectively.
Japan accepted the terms of the
Washington Treaty because at this stage
she was not powerful enough to challenge
the combined strength of Chinese
nationalism and Anglo-American deter-
mination. For Japan the time had not
yet come to strike. She had to wait for
56
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
the favourable moment. She tempor-
arily ,a:ave up the expansionist policy
and adopted the policy of peaceful
economic penetration of the Asiatic
countries. The policy, as we have
already pointed out, appeared to be
successful for a few yeai's. From 1926
onwards, however, there was a continuous
decline in Japanese international trade,
largely due to restrictions imposed by
the governments concerned, and not the
least due to Chinese boycott. With the
coming of economic distress, the influence
of the extreme militarists began to
increase. The old aristocratic and
military groups became alarmed at the
spread of revolutionary ideas and they
had now some justification in saying that
the policy of conciliation followed for a
decade had borne no fruit. They now
demanded the adoption of an aggressive
imperialist policy.
This military party now found support
among the capitalists who had been their
57
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
great opponents but who had now begun
to feel the disastrous eflect of foreign
restrictions. Political power was now
snatched from the bourgeois politicians
and parliamentary leaders by the
military and naval authorities. They
became the supreme masters of the land.
They made and unmade ministries, and
generally imposed their will upon the
Civil Government. The peculiar consti-
tution of Japan also assisted them in the
establishment of their supremacy. For
the Japanese Emperor is the supreme
commander of the various forces and the
Chiefs of Staff have the right to advise
him, directly. Moreover according to
the Japanese constitution the ministers
for the Navy and Army have to be
appointed from among senior naval and
military officers, respectively.
Chinese weakness itself invites inva-
sion. The Japanese contention that
China has been so far unable to establish
a strong central government and to mam-
58
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
tain law and order and has therefore been
a disturbing element in the Far Bast, is
no doubt true, although it will not be
regarded by impartial persons as a justi-
fication for Japanese invasion of Chinese
territory. China is helpless, due largely
to the lack of national unity'. And the
lack of national unity is duo to many
causes — direct and indirect foreign domi-
nation, the vastness of her territory, the
inadequacy of the means of communica-
tion being a few of them. Add to them
Communist risings and the activities of
war-lords and bandits and you have a
picture of China. Japan suffered only
less than China as a result of this anarchy.
A very large percentage of Japan's
foreign trade was with China. The
disturbed condition of that country was
a serious hindrance for Japan. The
attacks of Chinese nationalism against
foreigners in general and against the
Japanese in particular became more
1. Lytton Report, p. l8ff.
59
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
vigorous as time advanced. Boycott was
the chief weapon employed by the Chinese.
When China succeeded in negotiating
treaties with foreign powers which
restored to her full control over her tarifi
policy and which relinquished extraterri-
torial rights within the Republic, Japan
became the principal object of attack.
The World Economic Depression brought
the situation to a head. Finally Japan
decided to embark on a policy of
strong action.
But why did Japan, to begin with,
select Manchuria for conquest ? This
was due to many reasons. Manchuria is
very near Japan and is adjacent to the
Japanese possession of Korea. It is large
and very fertile. It is rich in mineral
resources and the desired raw materials, —
coal, iron, ore, cotton and the staple food,
soya beans. The coal reserves of
Manchuria have been estimated at,
2,700,000, (XX) metric tons. Cotton grow-
ing may be developed to the extent of
60
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
making Japan wholly independent of
other countries in this respect. The
territory also ofiers huge supplies of soya
beans — 69.3 per cent, of world production.
Soya bean is said to be the most impor-
tant food plant in the world. Apart from
its food value it has important industrial
uses'. Although the population of Man-
churia is considerable, being more than
thirty million, yet it does not compare
favourably with that of Japan or China
proper. It has some strategic importance
as well, for its effective possession may
prevent Russia from becoming a naval
power at all. Besides, Japan even before
the conquest enjoyed exceptional treaty
rights in the southern half of Manchuria
ever since 1905, when the South Manchu-
rian Railway Company was organized to
take over the Russian Railway. All
administrative functions in the area were
assigned to the Company. It was autho-
1. G. D. Gray in Foreign Affairs, vol. 13 , no. 3 ,
P- 34>*
61
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
rised to impose taxes and to engage in
many industrial and commercial activities.
As a result of the Twenty-one Demands
(1915), Japan obtained many more rights,
some of which she had to renounce in
1922 after the Washington Conference.
Thus it is clear that Japan occupied an
unusual position in Manchuria.
Moreover, there are sentimental re-
asons for Japan’s action. She has lost a
large number of her sons on the plains of
Manchuria in the Sino- Japanese War of
1894-95 and the Russo-Japanese War of
1904-05. Japan naturally likes to own
the “cemetry of Japan’s Youth’”. She
had in fact conquered Liaontung in 1894,
but had to return it owing to interna-
tional pressure. This is a bitter
memory.
Then, Japanese investments in Man-
churia have been on a gigantic scale.
The enormous amount of over H billion
Yen had been sunk in Manchuria,
I. O’Conroy, The Menace of Japan.
62
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
principally in railways, which were
threatened because of the Chinese policy
to develop their own railways.
The following table shows
the extent
and spheres of Japanese investments in
Manchuria in 1930'.
(in 1,000 Yen)
Railway
425, 216
Ports and harbours • • •
Agriculture, mining
83, 201
and Factory
268, 990
Industry
110, 121
Commerce ...
117, 763
Electricity and Gas . . .
37, 283
Banking
106, 706
Financing and trust . . .
97, 634
Public utilities
302, 269
Others
49, 468
Total*”
1688, 630
These are in short the reasons why
Japan chose to fall first of all upon Man-
churia, in preference to other parts of
China.
I. Japanese Trade and Industry, p. 630.
63
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
In 1931 on the pretext that the Chinese
had murdered a Japanese officer and had
tried to destroy a section of the Japanese
railway in Manchuria, Japan decided to
take forcible possession of Manchuria.
In September 1931 came the Sino-
Japanese War. It was no doubt a war,
even if it was, and still is, referred to as
a “dispute.” Despite Japan’s member-
ship of the League of Nations, and despite
the fact that she was a party to many an
important international engagement —
such as the League Covenant, the Kellog
Pact and the Nine Power Pact — she
actually invaded Chinese territory.
Public opinion all the world over was
indignant. But Japan stuck to her
policy.
In spite of the protests of the League
and of many important states Japan
seized the capital at Mukden and con-
quered the whole country. The forces of
Marshal Chang were driven out and
all Chinese authority was overthrown.
64
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
Although she amusingly calls it an
‘independent state,’ Manchuria is now a
Japanese possession in every sense of the
word. Japan denies to have broken any
of her engagements ! She says that the
present situation is a result of the
exercise of the right of self-determination
on the part of Manchurians. Japanese
troops have been stationed there to
ensure this “right” to the people.
Manchuria is now called Manchukuo.
The Chinese boy-Einperor Henry Pu Yi,
who had to abdicate in 1912, was
first made the Regent and then in 1934
formally crowned as the Emperor of
the newly established state. In reality
Japan is the master of Manchuria.
She is trying to make the best use of
its resources. She has already success-
fully excluded the foreigners from all the
important enterprises.
Having consolidated her position in
Manchuria Japan turned in 1933 towards
Jehol, a province lying in the southwest
65
5
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
of the new protectorate. Japan claimed
that Jehol was an integral part of
Manchuria. She started preparations for
the subjugation of this province. The
Kuomintang on their side had unani-
mously passed a resolution in December
1932 that every effort should be made to
resist further Japanese advance.' A
large Chinese army, consequently, was
stationed in the province of Jehol to stop
Japanese aggression. Japan took serious
objection to the presence of this army
which she pretended threatened the
security of Manchukuo. An ultimatum
was sent in February 1933 demanding
the Chinese withdrawal from Jehol, and
on its rejection Japanese advance began.
■Within about two weeks time no Chinese
troops were left north of the Great Wall,
but the armistice was not concluded till
the end of May, when the Chinese army
withdrew west of Peking and the Japan-
ese promised to retire north of the Great
I. Epstein. Annual Register, 1932. p. 293.
66
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
Wall. The territory evacuated by the
Japanese was to become “demilitarized,”
and was to be policed by the Chinese.
Jehol was now included in Manchukuo,
and this gave Manchukuo a “natural”
frontier. But even the possession of this
province did not satisfy Japan, She
began her penetration of Inner Mongolia
on the one hand and China proper, south
of the Great Wall, on the other.
In the summer of 1936 there were
those inevitable incidents which have so
often compelled states to extend their
possessions reluctantly. Skirmishes
took place along the Western and
Southern frontiers of Jehol between
Japanese and Chinese troops. Tokyo
protested vigorously and made certain
demands, such as the removal of the
Chinese general in Chahar (Inner Mongo-
lia), and of many officials in Hopei ( a
province of China south of the Great
Wall). It was also demanded that
Chinese troops should be withdrawn from
67
THE QUEST FOR EJIPIRE
both these provinces. China had no
other option but to comply with these
demands. Thus were placed two more
provinces under the tutelage of Japan.
Technically they remained under Chinese
sovereignty. Japan, however, knows only
too well the art of reconciling her own
efiective control with the theoretical
sovereignty of others.
Japan’s aspirations were not satisfied
even by the control of these two addi-
tional provinces, and she made a definite
attempt to extend her influence to Shensi,
Shansi and Shantung. The declared
aim of Japan in penetrating south of the
Great Wall is to “preserve the peace” in
Eastern Asia.
A word about the importance of
these North Chinese provinces will not
be out of place. Chahar’s strategic
importance is very great. Japan can
now efiectively check any Russian
movement towards Manchukuo and
prevent the extension of communist
68
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
influence in China. Japan can inter-
rupt communication between Russia
and China throuijh her control of the
ancient caravan route which connects
North China with Siberia and passes
through the Gobi Desert. Similarly by
her control of the railway line which
connects Peiping with Suiyuan she can
interrupt communication between North
China and Inner Mongolia. Hopei,
Shensi, Shansi, and Shantung are from
purely economic point of view very
attractive regions. Hopei contains
two most important cities of North
China, namely Peiping and Tientsin.
The moment chosen by Japan for
the invasion of Manchuria was very
suitable from the Japanese stand-point.
Not only was China weak and divided,
which she had been even before 1931,
but the Powers interested in China were
busy at this time in conquering their own
internal troubles. Great Britain’s whole
economic system was in danger of
69
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
collapse. The pound sterling was totter-
ing and the gold standard had to be
abandoned. Even the U. S. A. were now
feeling the unhappy effects of the World
Economic Depression. They were expe-
riencing a depression which they had
never known, and which they thought
they would never have to experience.
Eussia was busy with her First Five Year
Plan and a war was the last thing the
Bolsheviks desired. Japan had been
systemetically preparing for the invasion
of Manchuria and in 1931 the interested
powers thought it wise not to challenge
Japan in that part of the world where
she held an advantageous position.
Japan was not likely to let this
opportunity go.
Although the Japanese aggression
did not result in war between Japan and
the interested powers, yet it had impor-
tant diplomatic repurcussions.
We notice changes specially in Soviet
and American policies. Russia received
70
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
a severe blow in the Far East as a result
of Japanese action. For it meant much
more than the end of Russian influence
in China and Manchuria and a threat
to her de facto sovereignty of Outer
Mongolia. There is reason to believe
that Japan would not hesitate to occupy
even purely Russian territories in the
Extreme East should opportunity present
itself. Russia may be prepared to
recognise Japanese claims in Manchuria,
as is evident by her sale to Japan of her
share in the Chinese Eastern Railway
for less than £10,000,000, and perhaps
even in Inner Mongolia, but she would
certainly not tolerate any encroachment
upon Russian territory. Such a step
will undoubtedly result in war between
the two countries.
That Japan is preparing for such a
war, and that she expects a conflict in
Siberia in the not very distant future is
evident from the rapid construction of a
new railway line in Manchuria, which
71
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
was opened in 1934, between Keshang
and Sakhalyan. It connects Harbin with
the Soviet frontier by a new route.
Clearly the line is of great strategic
importance. Apart from economic gain —
for it opens up a new agricultural
region — it connects the new Japanese
protectorate with the heart of Siberia
by a much shorter route. In case of
war with Russia this railway line would
enable Japan to transport troops and
supplies much more quickly to the
Russian frontier. Blagovestchenask is
an important Russian military and trade
centre and has a railway which runs into
the heart of Siberia. The conquest of
this town will enable the Japanese army
to cut ofi all Russian communication
with Vladivostok by the Trans-Siberian
Railway, and will place the Soviet
maritime province in the Farthest East
at the mercy of the Japanese invading
army. Many towns are being rapidly
founded on the new line. Penshan has
72
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
already become quite important. Japan
intends to build a large aerodrome in
this town, for the place happens to be
within easy striking distance of Soviet
Russia,
Ever since its conquest Japan has
kept a very large army in Manchukuo.
It has been estimated that 130,000
Japanese troops, or one-third of the
whole national army, are stationed in
the new protectorate. Over and above
there are 110,000 Manchukuo soldiers,
and 12,000 trained “White-guardists,”
under Japanese command. One should
be a great believer in the innocence of
man to think that these forces are
meant merely for the maintenance of
“domestic peace.” Russians are not such
optimists.
It is quite understandable that Russia
should be alarmed at the Japanese
conquest of Manchuria and her probable
intentions with regard to Outer Mongolia
and Siberia. Russia has to protect 2,000
73
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
miles of frontiers from Vanchuli to
Vladivostok which directly touch the
territory which has now for all practical
purposes become a Japanese possession.
Besides, this territory projects into the
domain of Russia ; and Vladivostok, the
only important Russian port in the
Pacific, is connected with European
Russia by means of the Chinese Eastern
Railway which passes through Manchuria.
True, the Trans-Siberian Railway also
connects it with the West, but apart from
the fact that this is a much longer route,
as compared with the other, the Trans-
Siberian line, too, very closely skirts the
Manchurian frontier and therefore cannot
be regarded as immune from Japanese
invasion.
The Sino-Japanese War affected
Soviet policy in two directions. Firstly
it necessitated a military preparation
on the part of Russia for a final
settlement with Japan. Secondly there
came a remarkable change in Russia’s
74
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
relations with many countries of the
world including the U. S. A.
The Par Eastern crisis brought Russia
and the U. S. A. nearer each other. The
U. S. A. was the only Great Power which
had consistently refused to recognise the
Government of the U. S. S. R. It was
regarded as very unlikely that Soviet
Russia and the United States, the most
prominent representatives of such antago-
nistic political and economic systems as
Communism and Capitalism, would ever
come to an understanding with each
other, Post-War American Presidents,
Wilson, Hardinge, Coolidge and Hoover,
all had been opposed to the establish-
ment of diplomatic relations with the
U. S. S. R. America refused to recognise,
the Soviet Government on cultural and
religious grounds, which still carry some
weight in America. But in the year 1933^
the world was not even surprised to find
the new President of the U. S. A. taking^
the initiative in inviting Russia to send
75
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
over a representative in order to “explore
personally all questions outstanding be-
tween the two countries.” Litvinofif, the
Commissar for Foreign ASairs, went to
America. Negotiations continued for a
few days. The result of these negotiations
was that the Soviet Government was
recognised by the U. S. A. in November,
1933. President Roosevelt declared that
he wished to establish “not merely
normal but friendly relations” with the
U. S. S. R.'
The American and other apologists of
Roosevelt’s policy would have us believe
that economic considerations were
responsible for this reversal of American
policy. But an examination of the
economic conditions of both these
countries would make it clear that
economics had very little, if at all, to do
with this rapprochement. America can-
not import anything from Russia, for
I. Details may be studied in the Survey of Inter-'
tational Affairs for 1933.
76
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
practically all that Russia is in a position
to export to America is found in abun-
dance in the U. S. A. If that be true,
then in these days when the world has
reverted to the barter system in inter-
national trade, Russia cannot afford to
buy from America either, even if she
I’equires certain goods produced in that
country. Besides, had this change in
policy been really due to economic
considerations the recognition of Russia
ought to have come long before 1933. It
was not economics, it was politics that
determined the policy of the U. S. A.
There was now a new and very disturb-
ing development in the relations between
China and Japan. America could not
keep quiet over a development which
would in the end mean a powerful blow
to her own opportunities in China and
which would most certainly increase the
power and prestige of her rival in the
Pacific. America could now well
visualise Japan installed at Vladivostok,
77
THE QUEST POE EMPIRE
controlling the Pacific Ocean. It was
not a very happy prospect for America.
A Russo-American alliance, it was
thought, would prove capable of check-
ing the advance of Japan in China, just
as the Anglo- Japanese Alliance had
previously stopped Russian penetration of
the Far East. This seems to be the only
reasonable explanation of the change in
America’s attitude towards Russia. The
Japanese Foreign Office described this
move in its inimitable style as “intensely
interesting !’’
Another result of the Sino-Japanese
conflict was a temporary change for the
better in the relations between China
and Russia. At the end of 1927, due to
the energetic action taken by Chiang
Kai-Shek, Russian influence in China had
disappeared altogether. During the four
years that followed there was no improve-
ment in these relations. In fact they
became worse as a result of the contro-
versy over the Chinese Eastern Railway.
78
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
In 1929 there arose a serious trouble over
the Railway between Soviet Russia and
Chang Hsiao-Liang. Soviet troops had
to enter Manchuria in order to compel
the Manchurian lord to respect the
provisions of the Treaty of 1924, provi-
ding for the joint ownership of the
Railway. But the Sino-Japanese War
resulted in a marked improvement in
Russo-Chinese relations. China once
more resumed diplomatic relations with
Soviet Russia towards the end of 1932.
This concession on the Chinese side must
naturally be attributed to the Japanese
policy in Manchuria. China seemed to
realise that the Japanese peril was even
more formidable than the Bolshevik.
The renewal of the Russo-Chinese friend-
ship came opportunely for both the
countries. Japan at the time took the
news seriously. An official spokesman
regarded it as “most unwelcome.” He
declared that “the elements most distur-
bing to the peace of the world have now
79
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
joined hands, and Japan stands squarely
against these forces.”
What Eussian diplomacy could not
achieve for five years in spite of constant
endeavours was achieved due to Japan’s
aggressive policy. Not only were diplo-
matic relations restored between China
and Russia, but the two countries
remained on very friendly terms for some
time.
Shortly after the Sino- Japanese con-
flict, Russia took up seriously the task of
building a system of alliances in Europe,
and settling many of the outstanding
questions between herself and her
European neighbours. The establishment
of the Nazi regime in Germany consider-
ably contributed towards the success
that Russia achieved in this difficult task.
But Russia has not wholly depended on
diplomatic understandings. Her military
preparations in the Far East have
advanced with a thoroughness typical of
Bolshevist Russia.
80
TIIE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
Since the Far Eastern trouble started
the Soviet authorities have been trying
to improve communications between
Western Russia and the Par East. They
have also been trying to make their Par
Eastern army as self-supporting as
possible. A double-track railway com-
munication has already been established
between Samara and Karymskaya. The
Trans-Siberian line has been repaired
and a more efficient system of signalling
has been instituted. A second track has
also been laid on the Trans-Baikal-Amur-
Ussari line. The Soviet Great Northern
Railway, which runs from Moscow to
North Vladivostok, was completed in
November, 1936. It is described as the
most important military railway in the
world. The line runs parallel to the
Trans-Siberian Railway, but is deep in
the Soviet territory and therefore it will
be easier to defend against Japan.
Moreover, Siberia and the Far Eastern
possessions of Russia are being systema-
81
6
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
tically colonized. They are being freed
of “undesirable” elements. Settlers are
being imported from Western Russia.
As a result of the extraordinary privi-
leges that are granted to them. Many
Russians find it more convenient to
settle there. Agriculture is receiving the
attention that is its due. New industries
are being established. The Soviet autho-
rities believe, not without reason, that in
the event of war it will be possible to
support the Far Eastern army by the
supplies from Siberia and the Par
East.
The total strength of the Far Eastern
army is estimated at 160,000 men.
Special attention is being bestowed on
the construction of aeroplane bases.
Irkutsk is an important example.
Several hundred aeroplanes are kept
there, out of which many are said to
be heavy bombers. Chemical works
have been started at Kamerovo to
produce poison-gas and other war-
82
TIIE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
chemicals. All these measures clearly
show that Russia, like Japan, is
preparing for the struggle that is
considered inevitable.
One very important result of the Sino-
Japanese War was that for the first time
it showed the utter helplessness of the
League of Nations to stop aggression
when a Great Power was involved
in it.'
Immediately after the Japanese ad-
vance in Manchuria, China appealed to the
Council of the League of Nations to take
cognizance of the situation. Both China
and J apan were members of the League,
and therefore the articles of the Covenant
were unquestionably applicable to this
case. But the tangible results of
China’s several appeals were, firstly, the
I. All the important documents connected with the
Sino- Japanese War with special reference to the League of
Nations have been collected and systematically arranged
by Wheeler- Bennett in the Documents on International
Affairs (1932).
83
THE QXIEST FOR EJIPIRE
adoption by the Council and the Assem-
bly of resolutions asking both the parties
to respect each other’s rights and to
avoid any aggravation of the situation,
secondly the appointment of a Commis-
sion of enquiry under the chairmanship
of Lord Lytton, a former Governor of
Bengal, and of a Committee of Nineteen
to deal with the situation.
The report of the Commission was
presented in October, 1932. It con-
demned the action of Japan. It des-
cribed Manchukuo as a puppet state
and its government as unsupported
by the majority of the people. It
recognized the special position of Japan
in Manchukuo but did not consider
it as a justification for the invasion.
It recommended the withdrawal of
Japan from Manchuria and the con-
clusion of treaties of commerce and
friendship and mutual security between
Japan and China. It also recommended
the end of the Chinese boycott of foreign
84
TUB EXPANSION OF JAPAN
goods. On the recommendation of the
Committee of Nineteen the Report was
adopted by the Assembly in February
1933, by 42 votes to 1, the adverse vote
being that of Japan.
Japan contested the arguments of
Lord Lytton and his colleagues and
refused to be bound by their findings.
Japan proclaimed that throughout
she had been acting in self-defence,
and therefore her action should not
be regarded as a breach of the Kellogg
Pact. She asserted that her action was
not in contravention of the Nine Power
Pact, because she had not impaired the
integrity or independence of China ! All
that had happened was : the Manchuri-
ans had exercised the right of self-
determination. Japan had recognized
this right, and she was determined to see
that the people of Manchuria were not
deprived of it. As regards the Covenant
she pointed out that China was not a
state and therefore Articles 10, 11 and 16
85
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
were not applicable to this case.
Instead of retiring from Manchukuo, as
the Commission had suggested, Japan
retired from the League of Nations [
This open defiance of the League went
wholly unpunished. The Covenant has
provided that in these circumstances it is
the duty of the member states to come to
the rescue of the aggrieved party and to
adopt measures of coercion against the
aggressor. But even economic coercion
was not resorted to. Article 16 which
makes it incumbent on member states to
sever all trade or financial relations with
the guilty state and to have no dealings
whatever with it was never applied to
Japan.
The League had succeeded in preven-
ting or bringing to an early end many
minor wars during its short period of
existence. In 1931 there came the real
test and the League failed miserably.
Since the end of the World War nations
had been trying to devise peaceful
86
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
methods of settling international disputes.
Many people believed that in the League
of Nations the world had at last found an
insititution which should prove to be an
effective check to war. The Far Eastern
crisis showed that it was yet a dream.
The League of Nations failed, not only
because there was something wrong in
its constitution, but because the members
of the League, particularly the Great
Powers were not willing to coerce Japan.
Great Britain was not prepared to take
prompt action without the U. 8. A. The
U. 8. A. protested against Japan’s action
and evolved what has been called ‘the
Stimson Doctrine’, but were not prepared
to take the lead and adopt an active
policy, backed by force of arms. The
only consolation for China was that the
League of Nations had refused to give
legal recognition to Manchukuo !
It is difficult to prophesy what course
the Japanese policy is going to take after
the establishment of Japan’s position
87
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
in Manchuria and Jehol. As pointed
out, new complications have already
arisen in North China. The new Agree-
ment with Grermany ( concluded in
November, 1936 ), and a general under-
standing with Italy have further streng-
thened the position of Japan, It seems to
be, however, probable that so far as direct
conquest of new territories is concerned
we are not going to hear of it in the near
future. But that does not mean that
Japan will abstain from extending her
indirect control,
Japan’s aim will now be to
consolidate what has been won. She
has already got the control of those
sources of supply of minerals and raw
materials which she requires for the
expansion of her industries. She will now
have iron and coal and cotton in plenty.
Japan by her conquest of Manchuria and
Jehol has brought under her jurisdiction
an area which is about the size of
Germany and France and Belgium and
88
THE EXPANSION OF JAPAN
Holland combined. In order to develop
the resources of this vast area Japan
would require many a decade. The
possibilities of developing Manchuria are
immense. It is true that Japan would be
in need qf more markets, and China
proper is an excellent market. But for
the expansion of trade the good will of
the country concerned is a necessary
condition. Besides, the direct govern-
ment of the whole of China is bound to
be a source of weakness rather than of
strength to Japan. Perhaps the interested
powers will now also be in a better
position to ofier resistance to any scheme
of further Japanese expansion. On the
side of China there are indications that
she may after all forget and forgive the
conquest of Manchuria and come to an
understanding with her powerful neigh-
bour. She must have by this time
recognized the futility of appeals to the
League of Nations. She has perhaps begun
to realise the advantages of Japanese
89
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
friendship faced as she is with internal
disorders and communist upheavals.
The three points of Mr. Hirota anno-
unced towards the end of 193B seem to
embody the present and future Japanese
programme vis-a-vis China : (1) China
must abandon her policy of playing one
foreign country against the other and
give positive demonstrations affecting all
phases of Chinese life, of a “sincei’e"’
desire to co-operate with Japan; (2) China
must recognize the existence of Manchu-
kuo •, (3) China and Japan must form “a
common front against the Chinese com-
munists and the further extension of Red
influence in China.”'
Japan will try not only to prevent
Russia but other nations as well from
meddling in Chinese affairs. Japan
has already made several important
announcements in this connection. An
announcement was made in April 1934
by that mysterious person, “the
I. Foreign Affairs, vol. 14 ; no. 4.
90
THE EXPANSION OP JAPAN
oflScial spokesman” of the Japanese
Foreign Office, in which it was said that
Japan considered herself responsible along
with China for the preservation of peace
and maintenance of orderly government
in East Asia and that she was not prepared
to tolerate any foreign activities in China
which in the opinion of tho Japanese
Government were inimical to Japan.*
Tho problem for Japan will now be to
extend her influence over China without,
however, taking over the impossible task
of governing a whole continent. Japan
will encourage those movements in China
which aim at friendly relations between
the two yellow peoples. It is likely that
she will gradually establish a new
“Monroe Doctrine” for the Far East,
which is different from direct control.
But for the achievement of this purpose
I. Foreign Affairs^ vol. 13 ; no. i. The announcement
which caused great misgivings in the Foreign Offices of
many important countries, was followed by similar state-
ments by Japanese diplomatic representatives in Washington,
Geneva and London.
91
THE QXHIST FOB EMPIEE
diplomacy will perhaps prove to be a more
eflective weapon than aggressive military
action. We may hear of occasional
threats and minor coercive measures
accompanying Japanese diplomatic acti-
vity but very probably we shall not hear
of any more serious attempts on the part
of Japan to conquer other Chinese
territories for the purpose of direct
government. We are certainly going to
hear of the “Hands ofi China” policy and
the “Pan-Asiatic Doctrine ” but there is
every reason to believe that Japan will
not be the first to throw down the glove.'
Not infrequently, however, it is the
unexpected that happens in history, and
therefore it is unwise to be dogmatic.
I. Mogi and Redman, The Problem of the Far East,
p. 3»9ff.
92
CHAPTER II
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
As in the case of Japan, let us begin
with the economic condition of Italy,
for she, too, is demanding a place in the
sun primarily for economic reasons.
Three economic grounds are given for
the acquisition of colonies by Italy.
Firstly, it is claimed that there is what
has been called “population pressure”
in Italy •, secondly, that Italy sufiers
from a shortage of essential raw
materials and fuels ; and, thirdly, that
Italy is dependent upon imported food-
stufls for domestic consumption.
Italians, as is well known, are a
growing nation, and they are growing
rapidly. They have more than doubled
themselves during the last hundred years.
In 1816 the population of Italy was
estimated at 18 million ; and shortly
after the Unification they numbered 26
million. Since then the number has
95
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
increased enormously
table demonstrates : '
as the
following
Year
Population
Year
Population
1872
26,801,164
1926
39,349,000
1882
28,459,628
1930
40,769,000
1901
32,476,263
1933
41,806,000
1911
34,671,377
1934
42,217,000
1921
38,033,000
1936
42,621,000
At present the population of Italy
amounts to about 44 million souls and
it is increasing at the rate of about
400,000 a year. The continuous increase
in the population of Italy, outstripping,
as it does, the economic capacity of the
country, has produced a dangerous
situation.
It is, however, strange that a country
which claims colonies because of
“population pressure” is doing all that
lies in its power to aggravate this evil.
In many of his speeches and writings
Mussolini has expounded his views on
I. Statesman’s Year Book.
96
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
this question. In the Chamber, in 1927,
he said :
“Italy needs 60 million inhabitants.
Some unintellip^ent people may say there
are too many of us. The intelligent
will reply^ : there are too few of us. I
claim that the numbers of a nation
condition its political, and consequently
its economic and moral power. To count
for something Italy must emerge with
a population of not less than 60 million
inhabitants at the threshold of the
second half of this century.”
In an article, published in the
Gerarchia, in September 1928, Mussolini
again expounded his theory of population
in these words : ‘
“The thesis that quantity may be
replaced by quality is false ; false and
stupid is the thesis that a lesser
population signifies higher prosperity...
Sixty million Italians will make the
I. Quoted by ‘Elwin’ Fascism at Work, p. 164.
97
7
THE QHE8T FOB EMPIRE
weight of their numbers and their force
felt in the history of the world.’’
The Fascist state has adopted a
definite policy of stimulating the birth
rate and increasing the population as
rapidly as possible. Festivals of
marriages and fecundity are celebrated
in which the Duce himself participates,
personally. Railway fare is reduced for
honeymoon couples. Prizes are awarded
to parents of a large number of children.
Taxation is adjusted according to the
size of the family. Many of the taxes
decrease as the number of children
increases. Parents of ten living sons
do not pay any taxes. Childless spouses
have to pay a higher inheritance tax
than spouses with one child, and those
with at least two children are completely
exempt from inheritance taxes. Cheap
homes are allotted by the local
authorities in order of preference
according to the size of the family.
Some municipalities grant reductions for
98
THE EXPANSION OP ITALY
gas, electricity, etc. Medals and diplomas
and sometimes even premiums are
ofiered for prolificacy. Municipalities
organise productivity competitions and
award prizes to the families which
produce, most babies within a given
number of years. The Fascist govern-
ment maintains a regular department
for the protection of maternity and
childhood, known as the Opera Nationale
della Matemita e delV Infanzia. Abortion
is prohibited and severe punishment
imposed on those who violate the law.
Birth control is forbidden and the
propaganda in its favour is put under
heavy penalty by the new Fascist Penal
Code. Here the Catholic church, too,
comes to the assistance of the Fascist
state, and declares that birth control is
a sin, and procreation an “act of God.”
Marriages are being encouraged and
bachelors are discriminated against in
many ways. Between the ages of 26
and 65 heavy taxes are imposed upon
99
THE QUEST FOK EMPIRE
them. In April 1934, the income tax
on bachelors, which was already very
high, was raised from 26 to 50 per cent
of their incomes. In the Government
Services they are clearly at a disadvan-
tage. Appointments and promotions
depend, to a large extent, upon the
marital status of the individual. In
November, 1933, the Duce issued an
order that all bachelors who held offices
in the party or wished to be nominated
as candidates in the parliamentary
election, must marry, otherwise they
would lose their offices or not be
nominated as candidates.
Obviously, the population policy of
Fascist Italy is based on military and
political considerations and is quite in
keeping with the imperialist tendencies
of new Italy. The same considerations
determine Fascist attitude towards
emigration.
Before the War a large number of
Italians used to emigrate every year to
100
THE EXPANSION OP ITAEV
other countries, principally to America
and Argentine. In the last quarter of
the nineteenth century, the average
annual emigration rose to over 200, (XX),
and during the first fourteen years of
the present century, it reached the
enormous figure of 600,000. But during
the post-war period, largely due to the
Immigration policy of nearly all countries
which formerly admitted Italian emi-
grants, the number dwindled, consi-
derably. Then Italians began to
emigrate, in fairly large number, to
France and her African colonies. The
French became alarmed at the growing
immigration of Italians in South France.
France did not seem willing to have any
more Italians. She did not like to create
an unemployment problem on a gigantic
scale, from which unlike other countries
she had not yet aufiered.
Apart from this consideration, the
Italians, who under the Fascist regime
emigrated to France or her colonies, were
101
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
staunch nationalists ; they were not
prepared to merge themselves into the
French nation and forget their own
nationality, of which they were so proud.
France, in accordance with her traditional
policy, would either turn them into
Frenchmen or would not have them at all.
The question of the nationality of Italians
in France and in French colonies,
specially in Tunis, where Italians, by
the way, formed the majority of the
population, was one of the most
important causes of post-War Franco-
Italian tension. According to French
law the third generation of all immigrants
was to be legally regarded as French.
The Fascist government insisted that
Italian nationality was inalienable and
permanent, wheresoever an Italian might
have his domicile. The result of French
legislation was that Italian emigration
to France and her colonies very nearly
came to an end. Only in 1935, France
made a concession in this respect, when
102
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
it was provided in the Rome Pact that
in Tunis, all children, bom of Italian
parents up to 1966, would retain their
nationality.
The Fascists themselves do not
consider emigration as a very happy
solution of their population problem,
for in this way Italy is deprived of her
best soldiers and labourers, those who
emigrate being young and hardy people.
Although Mussolini had once recognized
emigration as ‘a physiological necessity
for the Italian people,' ' after a few years
of Fascist rule the traditional policy was
reversed and the Government began to
discourage emigration, even while there
were still possibilities in this direction.
Motives of prestige and military strength
were responsible for it. Man-power
must be conserved at all costs. Mussolini
is very particular in retaining the sons
of Italy, for according to him, “Italy
must appear on the threshold of the
I. Mussolini in a speech at Milan on April 2, 1923.
103
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
second half of the century with a
population of not less than 60,000,000
inhabitants. If we fail... we shall not
found an empire, we shall be degraded to
a colony.”
Signor Grandi explained the Fascist
attitude towards emigration, in a speech
in the Chamber on December 31, 1927 :
“We, as Fascists, must have the
courage to say that emigration is an
evil so long as it is, as at present, directed
towards countries of foreign sovereignty.
Emigration is necessary, but it should
be emigration to Italian countries and
possessions only.”'
But the Italian possessions mostly
consisted of deserts and barren mountains.
No wonder the Italian emigrants did not
like the idea of exchanging France or
America for their own colonies.
Fascism has not been content to
restrict emigration by means of propa-
ganda and legislation ; it has even
1. Quoted by 'Elwin' in Fascism at Work, p. i6i.
104
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
induced Italians living in foreign
countries to return home. Drastic
reductions are granted in steamship and
railway fares for repatriation.
On the basis of what has been stated
above, it becomes difilcult to say whether
Italian imperialism is a result of
‘population pressure’, or ‘population
pressure’ an outcome of the imperialist
policy of Fascist Italy.
Shortage of raw materials and fuel
is given as another justification for the
aggressive colonial policy of Italy. Italy
is very poor in raw materials and basic
minerals. She has to import large
quantities of coal, iron, steel, mineral
oils, wood and cotton. During the five
years, 1931 to 1935, her annual imports
of raw materials and minerals averaged
about 6,000,000,000 lire. Because of her
poverty in this respect, she could not
develop her industries as the Fascists
would wish. The colonies of Italy were
not capable of supplying Italy with
105
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
the raw materials which she required.
In the markets of the world, therefore,
Italy stood at a considerable disadvantage
as compared with other great industrial
nations.
Italy is very largely dependent upon
import of foodstuffs, which annually
amount to over 2,000,000,000 lire. The
Fascist government has done all that
is possible “to free the Italian people
from the slavery of foreign bread.” It
has carried on, specially since 1925, a
regular campaign for making Italy
self-supporting in respect of cereals. The
^Battaglia del grand* has achieved some
success, but there are limits to artificial
encouragement by means of such
‘battles’. The production of wheat has
increased no doubt, but it has not kept
pace with the increase in population,
and Italy still imports about 20,000,000
quintals of wheat every year.
The result of over-population and
general poverty of the country is that
106
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
the people’s standard of living is low.
Average income in Italy is lower than in
any of the principal countries of the
West and impartial observers are of
opinion that, comparatively speaking,
Italians ^re very poorly fed and ill-
clothed.
Italian colonies could not solve this
problem, for reasons not far to seek.
Italy, before the conquest of Abyssinia,
had four colonial possessions, viz. Tripoli,
Cirenaica, (both united into Libya),
Eritrea and Italian Somaliland, apart
from Aegean Islands which are fourteen
in number and of which the Rhodes
Island is the biggest with an area of
642 sq. miles. The Italian colonies “were
largely sand.”' Although their area
was considerable, their population waa
very small and their natural resources
extremely meagre. The following facts
and figures will help us in understanding
I. Mussolini’s expression.
107
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
the true nature of the Italian colonial
Empire.
Area and Population of the Italian
Colonies'.
Colony Population (1981)
Total Italian
Libya 632,600 707,663 29,749
Eritrea 46,764 621,621 4,666
Somaliland 194,000 1,010,816 1,630
Total. .. 872,264 2,340,099 36,944»
The Italian colonies could not absorb
a large number of Italians because they
were unfit for colonization. Not even
one-half per cent of the Italian people
oould make these colonies their home.
In fact, the Italians in New York alone
numbered twenty-five times as many as
those in all the Italian colonies put
together.
1. Based on the Statesman's Year Book (1935).
2. At present the number of Italians in the colonies
is estimated at 40,000 out of 10,000,000 Italians living abroad.
108
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
Trade between the mother country
and the colonies has been negligible
when compared with the colonial trade
of other nations ; and even of this small
trade Italian imports from her colonies
have been three times as large as exports.
How could it be otherwise. The colonies
are of little economic value, because they
are mostly barren. They cannot supply
the raw materials which the mother
country needs most ; and for purposes
of trade they are valueless because
they are so poor and thinly populated.
No wonder the Italian Empire has
been a heavy burden upon the national
budget. In recent years, Italy has spent
on average about 600 million lire
annually on the colonies. For a country
which has been considered for a long
time as deficient in capital this is a huge
sum. Italy has indulged in this kind of
uneconomic imperialism for the sake of
prestige, which in its turn, has led to
more and more indebtedness, until the
109
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
national debt reached the enormous
figure of over 100,000,000,000 lire in 1935,
the cost of the Abyssinian expedition
apart.
Italy was over-populated, short of raw
materials and foodstufis ; and the
Italian colonies, (before the conquest of
Abyssinia), instead of being of help to
Italy in these respects, were a constant
burden on her finances. What was to be
done in these circumstances ? Mussolini
gave a simple and straight answer to the
question. The problem was to be solved
by means of a revision of the peace
treaties and by reallotment of colonies
and mandates.
Speaking of the pressing need for
more colonies Mussolini once said :
“These two colonies (he meant the
Italian possessions in Africa) cannot solve
our population problem... We missed that
legitimate satisfaction which should have
come to us from right and from duty
fulfilled during and after the War.
110
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
Colonial development would have been
for us not merely a logical consequence
of our population problem, but would
have constituted a formula for the
solution of our economic situation. Even
now, at a distance of ten years from the
War, this ‘situation has to find its
solution.”
Italy could not understand why
France with an almost steady population
should have such vast overseas posses-
sions in the form of colonies and mandates,
specially when these areas happened to
be so very near Italy. It seemed very
unjust to Italians that Tunis, where
Italians formed a majority of the
population, should be a French and
not an Italian possession, in spite of its
nearness to Italy and in spite of her
imperative need for colonies.
Italy’s desire for colonies is not a
new one. Ever since Italy has been
united, she has dreamt of founding an
Empire.
Ill
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
Italian unity was accomplished in
1870, under the House of Savoy. A few
districts, however, still remained under
foreign rule. Ever since the fall of the
Roman Empire Italy had been a political
nonentity and in the phrase of Metter-
nich, nothing more than a geographical
expression. Once, however, Italy had
almost completely freed herself from
foreign domination, for which she had
to struggle hard for several generations,
she herself became an imperialist nation.
She demanded a place in the sun and
did not hesitate in adopting a policy
which meant depriving other peoples
of their freedom. But she could not
wholly concentrate her attention on
the acquisition of colonies, as Italian
patriotism could not be indifferent to
the recovery of Italia Irredenta.
Thus, after the unification, Italian
policy was directed towards the achieve-
ment of two main objectives : recovery of
Italm Irredenta and the creation of a
112
THE EXPANSrON OF ITALY
colonial Empire. The first objective could
be achieved at the expense of Austria-
Hungary, the second at the expense
principally of France. Consequently the
foreign policy of Italy from 1870 to 1914
was a policy of indecision. She was
wavering all the time. Shortly after
France occupied Tunis in 1881, Italy
joined the Austro-Qerman Alliance. But
when France seemed to be willing to
recognize Italian claims in Tripoli, her
relations with the Germanic Empires
became somewhat cool, and for some
years before the World War Italy
seemed to be inclining towards the
Entente. Germany recognized, as
Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg said that
“Italian flirtations with the Entente had
led to dangerous intimacies.”
Throughout the period from 1871
to 1914 Italy was restless. She was
haunted by the memory that she
was once the seat of a great empire.
In order to be worthy of her heritage,
113
8
TBB QUEST FOB EMPIBE
she must carve off for herself an empire
in Africa.
When Italy seriouslj’^ took up the
task of acquiring a colonial empire, the
world had already been divided among
some of the fortunate countries, not
necessarily Great Powers. Most of the
backward countries of the world had
come under the direct or indirect control
of one of the advanced nations. Thus
Italy, like Germany, was seriously
handicapped in her struggle for colonies.
Whereas in the middle of the nineteenth
century Africa was still largely unoccu-
pied and even unexplored, by the time
the Italians came in the field, all the
attractive territories in Africa had been
conquered and were being ‘civilized’ by
the ‘senior’ Powers that had stolen a
march over countries which were still
striving for unity.
The hopes of the Italian imperiahsts
were dashed when France occupied
Tunis in 1881 . Italian expansion in
114
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
North Africa was thus nipped in the
bud. The Italians had thought that
the geographical situation of Tunis
made it a natural starting point for
an Italian Empire, since Tunis was
less than 100 miles from Sicily, and
already contained a large Italian
population. Then in 1882 Great Britain
occupied Egypt, and the Italians felt
that they had been robbed of their
‘natural’ field for expansion. A war
with France and Great Britain, or one
of them, was out of the question. All
that Italy could do was to look round
for other openings.
Italy, turned towards the barren
littoral of the Red Sea. With small
beginnings Italy aspired after establishing
an empire in East Africa which should
include Abyssinia', a country that was
still independent. If Italy could get a
I. Abyssinia is a mutilated form of the name given to
the country by the Arabs, originally meaning ‘confusion* or
'mixed race.’ The official name of the country is Ethiopia,
115
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
foothold on the coasts, she hoped to
penetrate gradually into the Abyssinian
hinterland.
Although it was as far back as 1870
that Rubattino, an Italian shipowner,
purchased Assab on the Red ^ea coast,
from a local chieftain, where he intended
to establish a coaling station for his
ships, it was only in the eighties of the
last century that the town was actually
occupied by the Italian Government.
Having established themselves in Assab,
they proceeded to occupy a strip of
territory, several hundred miles long,
but of little economic value. To this
territory which lay between the arid
shores of the Red Sea and the mountains
of Abyssinia, the name of Eritrea was
given, which is of classical origin, being
derived from the Mare Erythraeum of
the Romans.
Simultaneously while Italy was
acquiring Eritrea, she was extending her
domain farther south.
116
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
In 1889 Crispi, the Italian Prime
Minister, laid claim to the long Somali
coast, stretching for more than a thousand
miles, because he had discovered that
the local chieftains had an “ardent
desire” for having Italy as their protector.
That at least a part of this littoral
belonged to Zanzibar mattered little,
as Italy had come to an agreement with
Great Britain, the protector of Zanzibar.
As a result of the Convention of 1892
Italy leased the Benadir Coast for an
annual rent of 160,000 rupees. The
government of this territory was first
entrusted to a company, which had the
privilege of exploiting the newly acquired
lands, but in 1905 the Company, having
incurred immense losses, which could
not be made up by government subsidies,
transferred its holdings to the Italian
Government.
The acquisition of Eritrea and Italian
Somaliland was made possible because of
encouragement by Great Britain, which
117
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
was afraid of the designs of France in
Africa'. The French, having lost Egypt,
were after the conquest of Soudan and
the extension of their influence in
Abyssinia. Italy was used by Great
Britain as a pawn in the international
game.
Italy was also encouraged in every
way in her ambitions with regard to
Abyssinia. Italy could not long remain
satisfied with both the poverty-stricken
colonies, which were not self-supporting
even with regard to their administrative
expenses. Abyssinia was a primitive
country, and was supposed to be weak
and unable to fight a European nation.
In the eighties of the last century she
had been further weakened by civil
strife and war against the Soudanese
dervishes, in which Negus John lost his
life, at Gallabat, in March, 1889.
At this stage the Italian intervention
in Abyssinia began. Italy came forward
I. Moon, Imperialism and World Politics, p. 144.
118
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
to help Menelik, one of the local
chieftains, who was trying to usurp the
imperial throne, and in return for her
assistance, she secured by the Treaty of
Ucciali (1889), an extension of Eritrea
into the Abyssinian highlands. Even
more important, however, was Article 17
of this Treaty which read : “His Majesty
the King of Kings of Ethiopia shall he
at liberty to avail himself of the govern-
ment of His Majesty the King of Italy
for the treatment of all questions
concerning other powers and govern-
ments.” This was in the Amharic text.
The Italian version was different. In
place of the phrase ‘shall he at liberty to'
was employed the word ‘consents', which
changed the whole meaning of the article
and converted Abyssinia into an Italian
protectorate.
Italy thought that the Treaty of
Ucciali gave her the entire control over
the foreign policy of Abyssinia. The
Negus would not accept the Italian
119
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
version. The independence of Abyssinia
now became the real issue.
The inevitable clash came in 1896.
Menelik, the Negus, had a united people
behind him, and had received in previous
years, invaluable help in the form of
artillery and firearms, from ' France,
which for obvious reasons, was jealous
of Italian expansion.
It is not necessary to go into the
details of the Italo- Abyssinian War
of 1896-96. One fact emerges clearly
from what happened : The Italy of
Crispi did not appreciate the dangers and
dif&culties of an invasion of Abyssinia.
The Italian Premier took it for granted
that civilisation must triumph over
barbarism. Italy had no experience of
colonial warfare on a large scale. No
wonder she was caught in the very trap
which she had prepared.
The battle of Adowa (March 1, 1896),
which resulted in the annihilation of the
pick of the Italian army, was the first
120
THE EXPANSION OF IT^VLY
of its kind. Never before in colonial
history had a Eui’opean nation sufiered
a defeat so drastic and complete at the
hands of the ‘natives’, as the defeat of
the Italians at Adowa. The Italians
lost many of their principal officers
and ten thousand men. Italy had to
recognize the independence of Abyssinia
as a result of the treaty with which the
war came to a close. Italian imperialism
received a severe blow at Adowa, from
which it could not recover for a long
time.
The only other serious attempt made
by Italy before 1936 to acquire colonies
was in 1911, when after thorough pre-
paration, military and diplomatic, she
acquired the two Turkish provinces,
lying east of Tunis, as a result of the
Turco-Italian War. It was in September,
1911, that Italy sent a strange ultimatum
to Turkey declaring that the state of
disorder and neglect in which Tripoli
and Cyrenaica are left by Turkey must
121
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
come to an end, as this was for Italy
“a vital interest of the very first order.”
The war that ensued in spite of Turkey’s
acceptance of all concessions short of
territorial cession, resulted in the
conquest of Tripoli and Cyrenaica to
which the old Roman name of Libya
was later given by the Italians. Italy
thus acquired a colony which was large
in size, but which, instead of bringing
profits remains to this day, in spite of
all possible effort, a costly imperial
luxury.
This was, in short, the position of
Italy in the colonial sphere, when the
world War came in August 1914 . Italy
at this time was a member of the Triple
Alliance, but she did not consider herself
bound to come to the help of the
Central Powers. Instead she declared
her neutrality, and she actually remained
neutral until May, 1915 .
Italy had her own grievances against
Austria and Prance, and she wanted to
122
THE EXPANSION OP ITALY
make use of this favourable opportunity.
She knew that both the parties were
eager for her support. Salandra, the
Italian Premier, was determined to wrest
the utmost advantage from this position.
“Free from all pre-occupations, prejudice
and sentiment,” he said, “we must have
no other thought than exclusive and
unlimited devotion to our country, to
Sacro egoismo for Italy.”
During this period of neutrality the
Central Powers as well as the Allies
tried their best, by means of lavish
promises to purchase Italian support.
They bid higher and higher for Italian
favour. In the bargain the principal
Allied Powers, namely France, Great
Britain and Eussia, promised more than
the Germanic Empires. They could well
afiord to be generous at the expense
of others. Italy accepted their ofier.
The bargain was made in London.
According to the Secret Pact of
London ( 26th April, 1916 ) the principal
123
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
Allied Powers made large but very
definite promises to Italy. They
swallowed their scruples and promised
to Italy all territory lying south of
the Brennero Pass. This was clearly
in violation of the principle of the
right of peoples to self-determination.
It was, however, granted to Italy, for it
would give her a strategic frontier in
the north. Trieste, Istrian Peninsula,
the northern portion of Dalmatia,
certain islands in the Adriatic and
Valona (a port of great importance in
Albania, just opposite the heel of the
Italian “boot”), all were to be handed
over to Italy, in the event of victory.
These gains would have undoubtedly
made her supreme in the Adriatic. But
the gain of Italy would have meant
not only the loss of Austria-BCungary,
but also of one of the Allies, namely
Serbia, for whose sake the war had
primarily begun. Besides these territorial
gains in Europe, Italy was entitled to
124
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
compensation in Africa, if either France
or Great Britain increased their
possessions in that continent. Italian
interest in the balance of power in the
Eastern Mediterranean was also recog-
nized with regard to Asia Minor. These
promises, if fulfilled, would have meant
even more than the achievement of both
the main objectives of Italian foreign
policy — the recovery of Italia Irredenta
and the creation of a colonial empire.
It was only after these definite
promises were made to Italy that she
declared war against the Central Powers.
Whatever Mr. Lloyd George may now
say in his War Memoirs, Italian support
was certainly of some value to the
Allies. We may well imagine the
difficulties with which France would have
been confronted on two sides, had Italy
joined the Central Powers.
The Allies emerged victorious from
the Great War. Italy had joined the
conffict on a clear understanding. At
125
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
the Peace Conference of Paris the time
had come for the fulfilment of all those
promises. But the principal makers of
peace — Wilson, Clemenceau and Lloyd
Q-eorge — found that it was impossible for
various reason to satisfy Rome. ,
The outcome of the Peace Conference
came as a great disappointment to Italy.
Of all the victors she came out of the War
as perhaps the most disappointed. It is
true that by the Treaty of Saint Oermain
Italy obtained one of her two important
objects, the Brennero frontier. But this
did not wholly satisfy Italy so far as her
claims in the Adriatic were concerned ;
for although her traditional foe, the
Habsburg Empire, was no more, another
state, which was perhaps capable of
doing more harm than the defunct
Empire, had come into being. Jugoslavia,
because of her situation and because of
French influence, which was noticeable
from the very beginning, was regarded
by Italy as even a greater danger than
126
THE EXPANSION OF ITAX.Y
the deceased Dual Monarchy, A new
balance of power was created to the
great disadvantage of Italy. Moreover,
what was more important was that
apart from minor frontier rectifications,
Italy’s claims with regard to the German
colonial ’empire and the Turkish
possessions were totally ignored. In the
words of Mussolini, “when they came
round the conference table of that mean
peace treaty, we got only the crumbs of
that rich colonial dinner.”
Fascists are bitter over the outcome
of the Peace Conference. They blame
Great Britain and France, particularly
the latter country for the unfavourable
peace terms. True, Wilson was also
opposed to Italian claims. But, so the
Fascists argue, America was not a party
to the Pact of London. France, on
the other hand, made certain precise
promises and then went back upon her
word. Hence Italian resentment against
France.
127
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
The attitude of France during the
peace negotiations is also quite under-
standable. As a result of the Great War
she had succeeded in crushing the most
formidable of her opponents. Germany
was reduced, for the time being at any
rate, to a second class Power. French
supremacy on the continent was esta-
blished. She was not prepared to share
it, with any other Power, not even with
an ex-ally and a Latin sister-nation.
Besides, the repeated declarations with
regard to the right of peoples to self-
determination could not be easily
disregarded by the chief representatives
of Powers at the Peace Conference.
The result was disappointment and
bitterness in Italy.
Italy had cut rather a poor figure in
the War ; and when the hostilities came
to a close, she found herself weak and
divided. Her former allies were not
impressed by Italy’s War contribution
and gave her what they thought she
128
THE EXPANSION OF ITAI.Y
deserved. Italy’s military strength was
exhausted and her economic system
shattered, as a result of the War.
Communist disturbances were common
and civil war seemed to be coming. She
was unable to efiect forcibly a redistribu-
tion of the colonial world. In this
helpless condition all she could do was
to protest and wait for the moment when
she would be able ‘to make her voice
heard’.
With Fascism there came a change
in the status of Italy. Mussolini gave
his country a strong government which
it had not known for many a century.
Never since the fall of Rome had Italy
had a government of this type. Mussolini
made a new nation out of the chaotic
mass that he found in 1922. He comple-
tely modernized Italy, by eliminating
many of the evil survivals of mediaeval
times. Whereas Italy, before the coming
of Mussolini, was called a great power
by courtesy, it actually became so only
129
9
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
after about a decade of Fascist rule.
With Fascism Italy entered a new era
of political importance and economic
development. It got rid of all mediaeval
survivals and became united as it had
never been before. With the attainment
I
of unity and power, Italy began once
more to dream of expansion abroad.
In a survey of Fascist imperialism
the psychological factor must be regarded
as extremely important. It is necessary
to explain the mentality of a Fascist, his
attitude towards state and his ideas on
war and peace. Only then would it be
possible to estimate correctly the place
of imperialism in Facist theory.
The Fascist system of government is
an autocratic system. It is opposed to
Liberalism and Democracy and all they
stand for. And the foreign policy of an
autocracy — be it an absolute monarchy,
be it a dictatorship — is as a rule different
from that of a liberal democracy. An
autocrat’s psychology is very different
130
THE EXPANSION OP ITAEY
from that of a democrat. Their outlook
on life diSers. They represent not only
two types of “political animals,” but two
types of men. Democracies stand for
liberty at home. It is only natural that
they shoifld respect the liberty of other
peoples. In autocracies, on the other
hand, people are deprived of their
individual freedom. How can it be
expected from such governments that
they would respect the independence of
other nations ? In their foreign relations,
therefore, democracies, as a rule, are
not inclined towards territorial expansion
and consequently they stand for peace
and international understanding. Auto-
cracies are inclined towards imperialism,
and therefore they are warlike and
militarist.
But this does not mean that
democracies have never waged wars of
conquest and have never thought of
building up empires, or autocracies have
never served the cause of peace. Such
131
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
an assumption will not be in conformity
with historical truth. The two greatest
imperialist nations of our own time —
Great Britain and France — are demo-
cracies. What is claimed, however, is
not that democracies have never been
imperialist and warlike, and autocracies
never peaceful ; it is only intended to
point out the main tendency in each of
these systems of government.
The domestic politics of democracies
are made up of too many checks and
balances, too many discussions and
rmderstandings, too many concessions
and compromises and therefore in
democracies there is a tendency to justify
even the aggressive and imperialistic
policy through what has been termed
a “rational-pacifistic ideology.’' ' It is
necessary for a democracy to charac-
terize its every war as a war of defence.
This is something which an autocracy,
because of its belief in militarism and
I. Kelsen, Staatrform und Weltanschauung.
132
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
in the heroic method, does not at all
require. An autocracy would rather
glorify war, and would take pride in
subduing other peoples.
Fascist Italy, true to the autocratic
type, is intensely nationalist i it opposes
internationalism ; it ridicules pacifism ;
it believes in the inevitability and even
in the desirability of War. Naturally
it cannot be but imperialist. Says
Mussolini : “Humanity is still and always
has been an abstraction of time and
space ; men are still not brothers, do not
want to be and evidently cannot be.
Peace is hence absurd, or rather it is a
pause in war... Man will continue to be,
wolf among wolves for a bit of land, for a
trickle of water, for a crumb of bread, for
a woman’s kiss, for a necessity or a
caprice...’’ And again, “Internationalism
is an article of luxury, good for the
aristocracies of art, banking, industry
and snobbish imbecility... at bottom inter-
nationalism is an absurd fable.”
133
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
On the other hand, Mussolini has
many good things to say of nationalism,
militarism and war. According to him,
as has been pointed out, war is not only
inevitable, it is desirable. “Struggle,” he
says, and it is very typical of Mussolini,
“is the origin of all things, for life is full
of contrasts : there is love and hatred,
white and black, day and night, good
and evil ; and until these contrasts are
reduced to an equilibrium struggle will
always remain at the root of human
nature, like a supreme fatality. And on
the whole it is well that it is so the
day in which there should be no more
strife would be a day of melancholy, of
the end of things, of ruin.” '
Not long ago Mussolini declared in
a speech that “Italy was a military,
militarist, and warlike nation.’” Unfor-
tunately for themselves some of the
1, Mussolini, Fascism ; Political and Social Doctrine,
2. In a speech at the army manoeuvres, August 24^
I934‘
134
THE EXPANSION OP ITAEY
Italian newspapers left out the word
‘militarist’ while reporting the speech
in their columns. Mussolini was furious
over this unpardonable omission. In
an article in Popolo d’ Italia, which
it was confidently asserted came from
the pen oi the Duce himself, it was said :
“Evidently this is like a glass of castor
oil to weak stomachs, but there cannot
be any weak stomachs in the ranks of
the Fascist party. We say, we repeat,
we cry out that Fascist Italy must be
militarist. Militarist is the nation that
subordinates to military necessities every-
thing else of the material and moral life
of the individual as well as of the
community.”
Mussolini informs the world without
the least hesitation that he does not
believe that perpetual peace is possible
or desirable, and that the fundamental
virtues of man are fully revealed only in
bloodstained struggles.* In the words of
I. Speech in the Chamber of Deputies, May 20, 1934.
135
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
another Fascist, “the State displays in
war its own strength.”'
These ideas are the natural outcome
of the Fascist conception of state and
particularly of sovereignty. Although
modern writers have recognized that
the theory of sovereignty must be
thoroughly revised because nations have
become so dependent politically and
economically upon one another, that the
idea of complete independence of each
must be considered as wholly inappli-
cable to the present circumstances,
Fascism sticks to the old conception of
sovereignty.
“There is no value outside and above
the state.” “As to its own political
interests, be these preservation or expan-
sion, every state is its own judge,
unique and without appeal. There
is nothing superior to the State.” Again,
“The two ideas of sovereignty and
I, G. Gentile, quoted by ''Elwin", Fascism at Work,
p. 245.
136
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
limitation exclude one another. The
state as sovereignty and power is abso-
lute ; it is beyond law.” These are the
views of several representative Fascist
authorities on state and sovereignty.*
This claijoi to absolute sovereignty, and
denial of the idea of international law
must necessarily lead to war. An exalted
view of sovereignty and State and the
love of war are closely connected
with imperialism and aggressive policy
abroad.
Mussolini’s Italy is imperialist. Accor-
ding to the Duce — and whose word is
more authoritative in the authoritarian
state ? — “Imperialism is the eternal
and immutable law of life. At bottom
it is but the need, the desire and the
will for expansion which every living,
healthy individual or people has in itself.”
This was, however, written in 1919
when Mussolini had not yet seized the
reins of power. But we have many such
I. ibid> p. 244 f.
137
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
fresh examples. In 1932, for instance,
he wrote in an article on the theory of
Fascism in the Enciclopedia Jtaliana :
“For Fascism the growth of empire, that
is to say the expansion of the nation,
is an essential manifestation of vitality
and its opposite a sign of decadence.
Peoples which are rising or rising after
a period of decadence, are always impe-
rialist ; any renunciation is a sign of
decay and death.” In a pamphlet
he says : “ The imperialistic urge
is an elementary force of our human
nature like the will-to-power itself
In each and every guise it is symptomatic
of man’s quenchless vitality... No sooner
is one born than the “imperialist” within
presses his claim... That clamorous
force ceases only with death itself.” '
Luigi Villari, a leading Fascist
theorist, considers the expansion of Italy
as something inevitable. “Every great
country,” he writes, “every active people
I. Mussolini, What kind of Man I am t
138
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
naturally tends to expand. Expansion
may assume many forms, but is in itself
no novelty. It has existed from time
immemorial, and is neither good nor
evil, but inevitable.” '
The Fascists, in their imperialist
outlook, have been greatly influenced
by the Eoman tradition. The Fascists
turn their eyes to their distant past,
for inspiration for the future. They
believe in the “universal mission of Rome
for the salvation and greatness of human
civilisation,” and “in the fatality and
in the pre-fixed value of the Roman
Empire’. In Fascism, they believe,
Imperial Rome is reborn. They identify
the Roman ideal, with Fascism ; and
Mussolini regards himself as a second
Julius Csesar. It is the destiny of Rome
to become once more not only the
1. Villari, The Expansion of Italy.
2. Ex-Service Volunteers’ ''Profession of Faith in the
Universality of Rome,” quoted by Munro, From Fascism
to World Power, p. 2pj.
139
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
fountain of world thought, but the
capital of a great empire.
The ancient Roman Empire began
in Africa. In the third century B.C.,
as a result of two great Punic wars,
Rome became the dominant power in
the Mediterranean basin. Mussolini and
the Fascists perhaps thought “why should
the Second Roman Empire not begin in
Africa, with the Abyssinian expedi-
tion ?”
It is true that on many occasions
Mussolini attempted to calm international
public opinion by declaring that the
Fascists did not aim at subjugating
other peoples, and that their imperialism
was of a different type, and “was not
dangerous for other nations.” Other
countries, assured Mussolini, need not be
afraid of Fascist imperialism, because it
was “moral and spiritual.” “An empire
can be thought of as a nation which
directly or indirectly guides other nations
— without the need of conquering a
140
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
single mile of territory.” ' In another
place Mussolini asserted that “there can
be imperialism without any empire”. But
these pronouncements were obviously
meant for foreign consumption.
Althojigh the imperialist idea has,
from the very beginning, occupied a
prominent place in Fascist theory,
Mussolini, until 1936, avoided reference
to particular countries as potential fields
for Italian expansion. He vaguely
referred to Asia and Africa as ‘the
historic objectives of Italy’, but he
did not mention Abyssinia particularly,
until Italy’s military preparations were
well advanced.
It was only in May, 1936, that
Mussolini referred to the projected
campaign in East Africa in these words :
“I have reached the point for which you,
my comrades, have, I am sure, been
waiting. You have to consider the group
of problems of which I have given you
1 . Mussolini in Enciclopedia Italiana.
141
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
a survey, in relation to what may happen
in East Africa and in relation to the
attitudes States may take up when the
time comes for them to show us a real
friendship, not a superficial one based
on words alone. But, in the first place
we must rely upon ourselves.” '
Shortly afterwards Mussolini became
even more explicit. In defiance of world
opinion, he declared his uncompromising
policy towards Abyssinia in June, 1935 :
■“We have old and new scores to pay
ofi ; we shall pay them oS. We shall
pay no attention to what may be said
beyond our frontiers, because the judges
of our interest, the guarantors of our
future, are ourselves and ourselves
only.”
In July he adopted a more aggressive
tone : “Our decision is irrevocable. There
can be no turning back. Government
and nation are now engaged in a conflict
I. Wheeler-Bennett, Documents on International
Affairs^ (1935)* vol. I, p. 176 .
142
THE EXPANSION OP ITALY
which they have decided to carry on to
the bitter end. The Italians have always
thrashed black people in warfare. The
defeat at Adowa was an exception”.'
On October 2, a day before the
outbreak of hostilities, Mussolini broad-
cast a most offensive speech in which he
made no secret of the fact that the aim
of the Fascist government was but one,
viz. colonial expansion. “For many
months,” he said, “the wheel of
destiny under the impulse of our calm
determination moves towards a goal. In
this last hour the rhythm has become
faster and cannot now be stopped
It is not only an army that marches
towards its goal, but 44 million Italians
who are marching in unison with this
army, because an attempt is being made
to commit the blackest injustice against
them, that of refusing them a little place
in the sun.”'
I. Quoted by Emile Burns, Abyssinia and Italy, 22.
a. ibid.
143
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRB
Abyssinia seemed to be the ideal
object for the first great imperialist
adventure of Fascist Italy. Where else
could Mussolini find a more suitable field
for expansion and an easier prey to
Italian might.
For reasons of geography, Asia minor
and Arabia, apart from Africa, attract
the attention of Imperialist Italy. These
are the territories, in which Italy, ever
since her Unification, has taken a good
deal of interest. The Turkey of Mustafa
Kemal, however, is somewhat difierent
from the decaying Ottoman Empire of
pre-War days. Even dictators are not
so reckless •, even autocrats do not go
to war unless victory seems probable.
As regards Arabia, the best territories
came under British or French control
after the World War. Syria and Pales-
tine, are not available without war with
France and Britain. Italy has continu-
ously claimed these two countries. But it
was not to be expected that either
144
Italy in Africa
tiiiUl
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
France or Britain would, of its own free
will, withdraw from there and present
Italy with a mandate.
Italy, in recent years, tried to extend
her influence in the Arabian peninsula
by her active support of the Imam of
Yemen against Ibn-i-Saud, who in his
turn was supported by Grreat Britain.
The War of 1934 between the two Arab
rulers showed that Italy had backed the
wrong horse. With the defeat of the
Imam of Yemen and his acceptance of
unfavourable terms Fascist penetration
of Arabia came to an abrupt end.'
Africa alone was thus left, and here
again only those territories which were
not directly or indirectly under the
control of powerful states or their
proteges. Such territories were but two,
Abyssinia and Liberia ; and of the two
Abyssinia was by far the larger, richer
I. The history of this war may be read in Toynbee,
Survey of International Affairs ( 1934 ), or in Epstein,
Annual Register (1934).
10
145
THE QUEST FOB EMPIBB
and more suitable for colonization.
Besides, unlike Liberia, it was adjacent to
Italian possessions.
Abyssinia or Ethiopia, as it used to
be officially called, is a vast country,
three times as large as Italy. Its area
is, at a conservative estimate, 350,000 sq.
miles.' As regards its population,
reliable and exact figures are not
available and it may be anything
between five and ten million. The
Statesman's Year Booh considers 6,600,000
as a reasonably correct figure.
Topographically and climatically
Ethiopia may be divided into three
distinct parts. A large area in the East
consists of deserts where the climate is
unbearably hot and water very scarce.
It is totally unfit for cultivation and the
question of European colonization in this
area does not arise. Then there are
tropical areas, lying in the North, West
and South which, though fertile, are very
I. Statesman’s Year Book ( 1936 ).
146
THE EXPANSION OP ITALY
malarial and unhealthy, the climate
being extremely damp. In the middle is
the high plateaux which in some places
rises to an altitude of about 10,000 feet.
Here the climate is dry. This portion of
Ethiopia is^suitable for the settlement of
Europeans.
As yet there is no exact knowledge
about the natural resources of the
country, but they are believed to be
considerable. The land is very suitable
for the cultivation of cofiee, cereals,
beans and cotton. Because of the
undeveloped state of the country, of
primitive agricultural methods and of
the feudal system, production of agricul-
tural commodities has not been large.
The Italians hope to increase the agricul-
tural output with the help of advanced
and scientific methods of agriculture,
and thereby make Italy independent of
foreign imports in most of the agricultural
commodities.
It is impossible to estimate the
147
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
mineral wealth of Abyssinia, Exaggera-
ted stories are told about the quantities
of precious metals hidden in this country.
This much is certain, however, that gold
and platinum are found in Abyssinia in
fairly large quantities. As to whether
petroleum may be found there or not,
opinions difier.
Apart from economic considerations,
Italy believes in her civilizing mission.
Abyssinia where life is “brutish, nasty and
short,” has consistently refused European
“help” in the work of civilization because
she was always suspicious about the real
motives of the European powers. As
late as 1865, Negus Theodore II told the
French representative :
“1 know the tactics of European
Governments when they desire to acquire
an Eastern State. First they send out
missionaries, then consuls to support the
missionaries, then battalians to support
the consuls. I am not a rajah of Hindu-
sthan to be made a mock of in that way :
148
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
I prefer to have to deal with the
battalians right away”.'
But Italy is anxious to make her
contribution to civilisation, to abolish
slave-traffic-king and slave-owning, and
to convert a primitive and feudal people
into an advanced nation.
“The War”, in the words of Signor
Rossini, one of the big men of Fascism,
“perhaps has economic reasons. But
chiefly the reasons are moral and
political. France did not acquire colonies
because she was overpopulated. Nor did
England. Economic problems are impor-
tant, but nations cannot live solely on
economic considerations. Italy can make
a new contribution to civilisation. A new
regime could certainly improve conditions
in Abyssinia. Mussolini has created a
new nation which has a right to contri-
bute towards civilisation”. ’
1. Quoted by L. S. Woolf, Empire and Commerce in
Africa^ p. 145.
2, New Statesman and Nation, January 4, 1936, p. 7,
149
THE QUEST FOB EMPIEE
National Prestige also demands that
Italy must possess a first class empire.
There is no better way of asserting her
greatness.
Fascist Italy had been waiting for
the day when her military preparations
would be complete and the international
situation suitable for an imperialist
adventure. Long ago Mussolini had
prophesied : “Between 1935 and 1940,
when we shall reach the crucial point in
European history, we shall be able to
make our voice heard and see at last our
rights acknowledged.”
At last that time had come. How
amazingly correct was Mussolini’s predic-
tion. Not only was Italy now well
prepared for war, but the international
situation was very favourable.
Two great Powers apart from Italy
have been interested in Abyssinia and
the adjacent territories for a long time.
The first European Power to interest
itself in this part of Africa was Prance.
150
THE EXPANSION OF FTALY
French capital began to penetrate
Egypt in 1860’s ; and France was the
first European country to establish a
foothold on the coast between the
Red Sea and Abyssinia in 1862, which
came to be known as French Somaliland.
The dreiJm of the French imperialists
was to have an Empire so extensive as
to cover practically the whole of Africa
north of the equator.
Great Britain, after 1875, when
Disraeli purchased 176,602 shares of the
Suez Canal Company from the Khedive,
became vitally interested in this region.
The purchase of the shares was followed
by British intervention in Egyptian
finance, which, in its turn, led to the
occupation of that country in 1882.
By 1898 the British had also firmly
established themselves in the Soudan.
But the prosperity of Egypt and Soudan
depended on the Nile and the Nile had
its main source in Abyssinia. In 1884
Great Britain seized the strip of coast
151
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
in the east of Abyssinia, which was to
develop into British Somaliland. Shortly
afterwards Italy, as we already know,
acquired not only Eritrea but the
territory, called Italian Somaliland.
The encirclement of Abyssinia was
now complete. Since this time^Abyssinia
has naturally attracted the attention of
the governments of Great Britain, France
and Italy. And if Abyssinia retained
her independence, until recently, it was
because the three powers could not agree
among themselves about the division of
the estates after her demise. Even after
the whole of the African continent had
been divided among European powers,
Abyssinia continued to enjoy indepen-
dence.
It is not necessary to go through the
whole history of the various attempts
made in the past to partition Abyssinia.
Until 1904, when Franco-British under-
standing was established. Great Britain
seriously thought of dividing the country
162
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
into British and Italian spheres of
influence. By the agreements of 1891
and 1894 Great Britain recognized a
large part of Abyssinia as an Italian
sphere of influence. France was to be
excluded from all share in the spoils.
She, therefore, came to the help of
Abyssinia against Italy and the result
was the disaster of Adowa in 1896, which
was followed by a marked increase of
French influence in Abyssinia.
In 1906, when Great Britain and
France had already come to an under-
standing among themselves and when
they were afraid of Germany’s colonial
plans, yet another agreement was
concluded between Great Britain, France
and Italy, The three Powers guaranteed
the territorial status quo of Abyssinia,
and promised joint support in their
economic penetration of the country.
Special interest of every one of these
Powers was mutually recognized. But
owing to the critical international
153
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
situation, Abyssinia succeeded in holding
out against making any far-reaching
economic concessions to these nations.
After the World War, the rift between
France and Great Britain once more
grew deep. In spite of the Pact of
London, Italy had been left '^'out when
the redistribution of Africa took place
after the War. Both the countries.
Prance and Italy, despite their mutual
rivelry, now began to oppose British
penetration of Abyssinia. They encour-
aged the Negus in his policy of resisting
the extension of British influence. They
supported Abyssinia’s entry into the
League of Nations in 1923. The co-oper-
ation between Prance and Italy, however,
could not last long, based as it was not
on a sincere desire to help a weak country
but on interests which could not be
easily reconciled. Great Britain succeed-
ed in winning over Italy to her side.
The two countries once more agreed in
1926 to recognize each other’s special
154
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
interests in Abyssinia, and once more
France proved to be the great stumbling
block in the execution of their plan.
In 1928 an independent move was
made by Italy. A new treaty of friend-
ship was concluded between Abyssinia
and Italy. Both the parties undertook
to settle all disputes that might arise by
peaceful means and “without having
recourse to armed force.”
The story of Abyssinia’s relations with
the European countries shows clearly that
it was primarily France which had so far
prevented Abyssinia from becoming a
vassal of Italy and Great Britain. But
in January 1936, the policy of France
underwent a radical change. Indeed
ever since January 1933, when the Nazi
regime was established in Germany, the
hostility between Prance and Italy
seemed to be giving place to a better
understanding between the two Latin
nations. This was a very important
change in inter-European relations.
155
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
France has always been afraid of
Germany ; but she became particularly
nervous after Hitler siezed the reins of
power. Hitler’s attitude towards France
was well-known. She became alarmed at
the marvellous recovery of Germany and
her rearmament on an enormcjus scale.
France seemed to be willing to sacrifice
her interests in the colonial world in face
of a serious threat nearer home.
Italy on her side, had been generally
in sympathy with Germany throughout
the post- War period. Mussolini might
have welcomed the dictatorship of Hitler,
for more than one reason. Fascism and
National Socialism were so alike, and
Hitler such a great admirer of Mussolini
that under ordinary circumstances this
change in Germany should have resulted
in even greater friendship between the
two countries. But there was one item
in the programme of Hitler which
disturbed Mussolini’s peace of mind.
Austro-German Union was one of the
156
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
avowed aims of the Nazis. Italy,
however, could not tolerate the presence
of such a formidable state on her own
borders, which, at a future date, might
be in a position to take away from her
what shejiad achieved as a result of the
Great War. How could Mussolini believe
that Nazi Germany, once she had
absorbed Austria, would not claim the
South Tyrol. And if Germany had the
South Tyrol, not only would the indus-
trial backbone of Italy be threatened,
but Trieste, Fiume and the whole of
Adriatic would be at her mercy.
It was this factor which brought Italy
and France nearer each other.
In January, 1935, the Rome Pact was
concluded, by which the two govern-
ments showed a united front in Europe
and settled their differences in Africa.
In regard to Austria, they undertook to
consult each other in case the indepen-
dence of that country should be menaced.
In the colonial sphere, frontier rectifi-
157
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
cations were made in favour of Italy.
Territories, considerable in size, though
not of much economic value, were added
to Libya and Eritrea. Italy also received
2,500 shares in the Jibouti-Addis Ababa
railway. Moreover, France ^ granted
certain concessions to the Italians living
in Tunis.' All these concessions were
made because of Hitler. France, as a
result of the rapprochement with Italy,
felt secure about her "Alpine frontiers.”
She could now concentrate her attention
on the north-east.
Abyssinia as such was not mentioned
in the Rome Pact. Later on it was
alleged that according to certain articles
that were kept secret, France had given
Italy a carte blanche with regard to
Abyssinia. Be it as it may, Italy’s
subsequent aggressive policy and the
French attitude towards it showed
I. The agreement is given in Wheeler- Bennett,
Documents on International Affairs^ 193S1 vol. i.
158
THE EXPANSION OF ITAXiY
clearly that France was not going to
interfere with the plans of Mussolini.
Italy blamed Abyssinia for a policy
of open antagonism towards Italy.
Italians have pointed out that Italy had
tried her best to carry out a policy of
co-operation and good neighbourliness
with Abyssinia, but the Negus taking
advantage of this policy made prepara-
tions for war with Italy and seriously
thought of attacking Italian possessions
in East Africa.' A proposition difficult
to believe. But the fact cannot be denied
that during the post-War period, par-
ticularly during the last few years, the
relations between the two countries were
strained due to frontier incidents that
occurred in rapid succession.
The most serious incident was that
which occurred at Wal-Wal on the 6th
December, 1934.’ While there is no
1. R. Forges- Davanzati in Current History ^ October,
1935 -
2, American Journal of International Lavjy January
1936, for a review of the Wal-Wal incident by Potter.
159
THE QTJEST FOB EMPIRE
doubt that Wal-Wal, even according to
Italian maps, published before the inci-
dent, was placed within Abyssinian
territory, it is equally true that Italians
had been in actual possession of the wells
for some years. There had been a con-
troversy as regards the frontier between
Italian Somaliland and Ogaden, which
is common in desert regions. On the 6th
of December Abyssinian troops attacked
the Italians, who withdrew, only to
attack the next day when reinforcements
had arrived. The Abyssinians incurred
severe losses.
When shortly afterwards the Italian
Government forwarded to the Negus a
Note of protest in connection with this
incident, he requested them to settle the
dispute by means of arbitration, which
would be in accordance with Article 6 of
the Treaty of 1928, concluded between
Italy and Ethiopia. But Mussolini re-
fused to accept this suggestion. Abyssinia
appealed on January 15, 1935, to the
160
THE EXPANSION OF TTAXY
Council of the League of Nations under
Article 15 of the Covenant. A fresh appeal
was made by the Abyssinian Government
on March 17. The Council in the
meantime devoted its efforts to commit-
ting the parties to settle the dispute
among th'jmselves and finally, on
August 3, secured the consent of the
parties to refer the matter to an arbitral
tribunal. The Commission gave its
award on September 3. It found neither
party responsible for this incident. But
the award did not satisfy Italy.
On September 6, 1936, the Council of
the League appointed a Committee of
Five, consisting of the representatives of
Great Britain, France, Spain, Poland and
Turkey, to make a general examination
of the Italo-Abyssinian dispute and to
seek a pacific settlement in accordance
with Article 16 of the Covenant. The
task entrusted to the Committee was not
an easy one •, and after about a fortnight
it confessed its failure.
161
11
THE QXJEST FOE EMPIRE
Then the Council decided to prepare a
report, which should include “a state-
ment of the facts of the dispute and the
recommendations which are deemed just
and proper in regard thereto.” A Com-
mittee of the Council consisting of all its
members, with the exception' of Italy,
was entrusted with this task. But
before the report of this Committee was
ready on October 6, hostilities had
already broken out.
On October 3rd, 1936, began the
Italo- Abyssinian War with the bombard-
ment by Italian areoplanes of Adowa
and Adigrat, and the advance of Italian
troops from Eritrea. The hostilities
began without any regular declaration of
war, which seems to have become the
usual custom nowadays. The reason
for the invasion, given by the Italian
Government, in a communique, was :
‘Self-defence’. It was “in order to repel
the imminent Abyssinian threat” that the
Italian troops had crossed the frontier.
162
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
What was this “imminent Abyssinian
threat” ? Obviously the mobilization order
issued by the Negus. But it is no secret
that the order was given after Italy had
made the most thorough preparations for
the War foi; more than seven months, after
large and well equipped Italian forces had
gathered on Abyssinian frontiers and
were just waiting for orders from the
Duce to strike, and after the most
modem weapons of destruction had been
pouring into Eritrea and Italian Somali-
land for a considerable time.
From the very beginning it was an
unequal fight. The Abyssinian troops, ill
fed, ill equipped and without any regular
training could not indefinitely resist the
great military power of Italy, thoroughly
reorganized under the Fascist regime.
On one side there were only rifles, many
of them as old as the Franco- Prussian
War of 1870-71, on the other most modem
weapons of warfare, tanks and areoplanes
and poison gas and all that modem science
163
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
has invented for the destruction of man.
The Abyssinian army was organized on
a feudal basis, each tribe following its
own local chieftain in battle, and for
this reason alone it could not stand
against the Fascist war machine, com-
pletely centralized, responsible to one
person, and moving like one man.
Moreover, in spite of this overwhelming
superiority, Italy adopted, particularly
when she saw that the progress was slow,
all possible means, fair and unfair, of
crushing the enemy. Where Italian
arms failed, Italian money succeeded.
Local chiefs were bribed and won over.
Italy, which had signed the Geneva
Convention of 1929, used poison gas in
warfare and bombarded hospitals.
Although the War continues in a
sense to the time of writing (December
1936), for all practical purposes Italy
became the mistress of Abyssinia when
the Emperor fled to Palestine (May 1,
1936), from where he proceeded to
164
THE EXPANSION OP ITALY
England, and when Addis Ababa fell,
(May 6, 1936). A brave but primitive
people after a desperate fight for the
preservation of their independence, which
lasted for seven months, had no option
but to surrender before a superior
organization and technique.
The League failed in preventing the
outbreak of war between Italy and
Abyssinia. It also failed in punishing
the aggressor adequately, and bringing
the war to an early end. But it does not
mean that beyond declaring Italy as the
aggressor, it did nothing, as in the case
of the Sino- Japanese War. For the first
time in its history the League decided
to impose economic sanctions against
Italy. It appointed several committees
to formulate in detail and co-ordinate
the economic sanctions against the
Covenant-breaking State.
The sanctions actually imposed may
be divided into four categories : 1. Prohi-
bition of the export of arms, ammunition
166
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
and implements of war not only to Italy
but to Abyssinia as well, 2. Certain
financial measures particularly the
stopping of loans and banking credits to
Italy, 3. prohibition of importation of
Italian goods, and 4. embargo on
certain exports to Italy/ ^
The sanctions were adopted not only
because of British influence but because
the smaller Powers wanted to test the
system of collective security. They
wanted to prove that aggression did not
pay. Had sanctions proved to be really
effective, the weaker States would have
been relieved of their great anxiety for
the future.
But unfortunately the system of sanc-
tions was not given a fair trial. The
1. Wheeler-Bennett promises to give US all the relevant
documents connected with the Italo-Abyssinian War in the
second volume of Documents on International Affairs (1935).
At present we have to collect this information from numerous
publications of the League of Nations. Some of the
Journals have also published a large number of original
documents.
166
THE EXPANSION OF ITALY
sanctions came a bit too late and even
when they were imposed, the League
carefully avoided the embargo on oil,
which alone might have turned the
tables. On the whole it can be said
that the League handled the Abyssinian
question in such a way as to lend itself
into a ludicrous mess.
The League as an organization, the
primary purpose of which was to promote
world peace and prevent war, is dead.
It failed in checking aggression and in
saving a country which relied on it to the
last. Indeed it would be no exaggeration
to say that but for the ineffective
interference of the League, we would
still have at least a semi-independent
Abyssinia.
That the Italo- Abyssinian War had a
marked effect on Italo-British relations
goes witout saying. Great Britain has
become thoroughly alarmed at what has
happened. In the past, as we have seen,
she had been encouraging Italy in her
167
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
colonial ambitions, because Italy was
weak and was not considered to be a
potential enemy. But the Italy of
Mussolini is a difierent proposition. It is
doubtful whether Italy will be satisfied
with the conquest of Abyssinia. Perhaps
Fascism will have to seek new goals —
Egypt, Palestine and Yemen, if not
India ! Great Britain has yielded Abyssi-
nia without resistance, and has thereby
encouraged Mussolini. But the “historic
objectives” of Italy are two : Asia and
Africa. One objective is at least partially
realised. What about the second ?
Great Britain’s interest in Abyssinia
is great, but her interest in the
Mediterranean and the Red Sea is even
greater. Italy’s hold of Abyssinia may
come to mean her control of this vital
line of communication, to which Great
Britain cannot obviously be indifierent.
When Mussolini declared, in November
1936,' that the Mediterranean was Italy's
1. Speech at Milan.
168
IHE EXPANSION OF ITALY
life and he threatened Great Britain that
unless she recognized Italy’s conquest of
Abyssinia, and “respected our rights” she
might have to meet with difficulties in
the “Sea of Rome,” the British Foreign
Secretar;^ promptly replied that to
Britain the Mediterranean was not merely
a short cut from one part of the Empire
to another, but “an arterial route.”
“Freedom of communications in the
Mediterranean,” he went on, “was of
vital interest to the British Common-
wealth.” '
Even France would now probably
take a very difierent view of Fascist
schemes of colonial expansion. She
tolerated the annexation of Abyssinia
by Italy because perhaps she felt that
it was the price which she had to pay
for Italian co-operation in Europe. The
Franco-Italian entente, however, is not
yet in sight. Mussolini played his diplo-
1. Mr. Eden in the House of Commons.
169
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
matic cards very well indeed. But that
France would be duped again is difficult
to believe.
It is unlikely that any future attempt
to extend the empire of Italy will go
imchallenged.
170
CHAPTER ni
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
The problem of Germany’s expansion
has two distinct aspects : Colonial and
Continental. Germany is demanding^
not only the restoration of her old colo-
nies, but she is also looking with covetous
eyes on her eastern neighbours. We shall
try to understand both these aspects of
German expansionist policy.
The colonial history of Germany is a
history of only thirty years — 1884 to 1914.
During these three decades Germany
demanded a place in the sun, acquired
it and lost it.
But although German colonial history
began as late as 1884, the German people
were not without colonial traditions.
They possessed considerable experience
of exploration and settlement. In the
Middle Ages their traders and settlera
were extending German influence both
by land and by sea. The Hanseatie
League established trading stations in
the Baltic and North Sea ports. Though
173
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
in the Age of Discovery the Germans
did not take a prominent part in explo-
ration, due largely to intern al conflicts
and geographical situation, yet their con-
tribution was not altogether negligible'.
In the later part of the modern age,
specially during the nineteenth century,
German explorers did a good deal of
work for foreign countries, and as regards
-emigration it has been estimated that
several million people from the Germanic
states went to America. German mis-
sions, trade and shipping were powerful
factors in the extension of influence
overseas.
It was in the nineteenth century
that Germany gradually became an
industrialist state. With the industria-
lization of Germany it was natural
that the Germans should become
interested in colonies. Many German
writers prepared plans for the establish-
ment of colonies. Influential publicists
I. Schafer, KolonialgeschichU, vol. ii.
174
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
became the champions of imperialism.
Friedrich List, the famous German
economist, wrote in 1841 : “Colonies are
the best means of developing manu-
factures, export and import trade and
finally a respectable navy.” Treitschke,
the most prominent of those historians
who did so much to stimulate German
nationalism, employed his powerful pen
in the service of imperialism.
The establishment of German imity in
1871 gave a new impetus to the demand
for colonies. A book, '^Bedarf Deutsch-
land der Kolonien T*, (Does Germany
require colonies ?), was written by Fabri
and published in 1879. The book was
destined to influence German opinion as
few books have done. Fabri criticized
German emigration to America which he
considered as an ominous symptom of an
economic crisis, and pleaded for the
establishment of a colonial empire which
would provide Germany with markets
for her goods, fields of investment for
176
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
her capital and outlets for her surplus
population. Fabri also suggested the
method of acquiring colonies. He
thought that commercial penetration
should come first and then the flag
should follow the trader.
Wilhelm Hubbe-Schleiden w/is another
prominent propagandist. He wrote a
large number of books on the necessity
of German expansion, of which his
Studien uher West-Afrika (1879) and
Deutsche Kolonisation (1881) are impor-
tant. He exhorted his fellow-countrymen
to think “imperially*'. In 1879 Ernst von
Weber published an article in which he
urged the German Government to obtain
Delagoa Bay from Portugal and to
encourage German emigration to Trans-
vaal, and to acquire gradually an
imperial possession, extending to the
Zambesi. About the same time Treit-
schke wrote : In the South of Africa
circumstances are decidedly favourable
to us. English colonial policy, which
176
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
has been successful everywhere else,
has not succeeded in the Cape. The
civilization which exists there is Teu-
tonic, is Dutch. If our Empire has the
courage to follow an independent colonial
policy with determination, a collision
between our interests and those of
England is unavoidable.”'
Missionary societies also participated
in the propaganda. Not only was Fabri
an inspector of the Barmen Rhine Mission
which had established many centres in
South-West Africa, but the Grerman
missionaries in general felt the need of
governmental protection and demanded it.
The arguments of the imperialists
had little efiect on Bismarck, and for a
long time he resisted the temptation to
establish a colonial empire.
The architect of the new Reich was
perfectly aware of its weak points. The
central idea of his policy was to conso-
lidate what had been achieved. He
I. Quoted by Dawson, The German Empire, vol. ii, p. 178.
177
12
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
sought only security and the preservation
of status quo. He knew France would
take the earliest opportunity to undo
the work of 1871. It was necessary
to be on good terms with Britain. More-
over, he felt that the building up of a
colonial empire was bound to be a costly
afiair, both in men and money, and
Germany in the then stage of her
development could not afford it. He
declared that “for Germany to acquire
colonies would be like a poverty-stricken
Polish nobleman providing himself with
silks and sables when he needed shirts.”
Bismarck was exclusively interested in
Hurope. Even in an industrial age he
wished to follow the maxim of Frederick
the Great who had said: “All distant
possessions are a burden to the State.
A village on the frontier is worth more
than a principality two hundred and
fifty miles away.”
For a few years after the establish-
ment of the German Empire Bismarck
178
THE EXPANSION OP GEBMANY
continued to oppose colonial expansion.
He argued somewhat like this. Colonies
could not be acquired, and if acquired,
could not be retained without a big navy.
A big navy would divert money from the
army, which he considered to be much
more necessary for the protection of the
Fatherland. Besides, what was even
more important, this would antagonize
Great Britain, a situation which he was
determined to avoid. During the period
of his Chancellorship he took all pains
to cultivate the friendship of Great
Britain. And he knew well that German
colonial and naval expansion was bound
to arouse the hostility of the British,
He thought it advisable, therefore, that
Germany should remain a land power,
and not challenge British supremacy on
sea. He was sure that there could be
“no war between a land rat and a water
rat.” He encouraged the other nations,
particularly France, to acquire colonies
since it would leave him a freer hand
179
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
in Europe, and involve them in inter-
national conflicts.
Yet in 1884-86 Bismarck acquired the
larger portion of Germany’s colonial
Empire.' This was due to the changed
internal and external situation of
Germany. Elections for the Reichstag
were impending. There was much hostile
criticism of Bismarck’s social and eco-
nomic policies. The German people had
begun “to think imperially” and were
now demanding a place in the sun.
Germany’s trade had greatly expanded.
There was a rapid increase in population.
The extraordinary energy of the German
people was now seeking an outlet. The
old arguments on the need for raw
materials and markets were being conti-
nuously advanced. German colonial
enthusiasts could now also point to the
I. On the acquisition of colonies the following books
give useful information ; Townsend, Origins of Modern
German Colonization • Langer, European Alliances and
Alignments ; Brandenburg, From Bismarck to the World
War ; von Hagen, Bismarcks Kolonialpolitik,
180
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
renewed and vigorous activity of other
nations in this sphere. Great Britain
was active in Egypt, East and West
Africa. The French had seized Tunis
in 1881. Even the Italians were busy in
founding colonies on the Western shores
of the Red Sea. Germany had either to
act promptly or be satisfied with the status
of a second-rate power. Two societies,
Kolonialverein and Gesellschaft fiir deut-
sche Kolonisation, came into existence.
The Kolonialverein was founded in
1882. Among its founders were explorers,
merchants, geographers and travellers.
It was a very powerful organization, and
within a couple of years it had ten
thousand members, many of whom were
influential men, such as Fabri, Hiibbe-
Schleiden, Prince Hohenlohe-Langenburg
and others. The society carried on an
intense propaganda in favour of im-
perialism.
The Gesellschaft fiir deutsche Koloni-
sation was founded by Carl Peters in
181
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
1884. It was not merely an agency of
propaganda ; its aim was to raise capital
for the establishment of colonies. Carl
Peters actually raised four million marks
capital and left Germany for East Africa
where he proposed to buy land for
German emigrants. r
The Societies were amalgamated in
the deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (1887).
These societies converted the country to
imperialism. The press was on their
side. Not only for economic reasons,
but for reasons of national prestige it
was considered essential that the country
should possess a first-class colonial
Empire.
In 1884, the international situation
seemed to be favourable for a colonial
adventure. Germany and Austria-
Hungary had concluded an alliance in
1879 which three years later (1882) deve-
loped into the well-known Triple Alliance
when Italy joined the Teutonic Powers.
Germany’s possible opponents had not
182
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
yet come to an understanding among
themselves. The Triple Entente of
France, Russia and Great Britain was
still a long way oft. Indeed Bismarck
hoped to prevent an understanding
between France and Great Britain by
raising th§ colonial question.
In April 1884 Bismarck placed the
settlement of a German merchant,
named Ltideritz, in South-West Africa
under the protection of the Government.
What happened was this. Difficulties
had arisen about traders and missionaries
who had settled themselves in Damara-
land and Namaqualand in South-West
Africa. They demanded British pro-
tection when they found themselves
in conflict with the indigenous population.
But the British Government, which had
annexed Walfish Bay, was not prepared
to extend its authority any farther
in that region. At last, in 1883, a German
merchant, named Liideritz, asked his
Government whether they would support
183
THE QTJEST FOE EMPIEB
him if he hoisted the German flag at
Angra Pequena, which subsequently
came to be known as Liideritzbucht.
Thereupon Bismarck inquired of the
British Government whether it claimed
this territory. The British Government,
after a long time, informed Germany
that although it did not claim
sovereignty over the territory in question,
it would consider such a claim by any
other state as an infringement of its
^‘legitimate rights”. Bismarck then
asked it to prove the existence of
its rights, to which the British Govern-
ment did not reply. Bismarck after
waiting for four months proclaimed a pro-
tectorate over the whole coast between
the Orange River and Angra Pequena,
which was, after some controversy,
recognized by Great Britain. The pro-
tectorate developed into the important
colony of German South-West Africa.
This was how the German colonial
Empire began. Within a short period
184
THE EXPANSION OP GERMANY
of six years Germany could claim a fairly
large empire in Africa and the Pacific.
After the fall of Bismarck in 1890 , though
much was heard about the Weltpolilik
of Kaiser Wilhelm II and German
colonial ambitions, actually few new
acquisitiorj^ were made.
As Bismarck had feared, the establish-
ment of the German Colonial Empire
necessitated the creation of a powerful
navy, which in its turn led to Anglo-
German estrangement. Great Britain
would not have participated in the World
War but for the colonial ambitions and
naval power of Germany.
Ultimately the German colonies had
an area of about a million square miles
with a population of about fifteen million.
In Africa there were three principal
possessions — German West Africa consis-
ting of the Camaroons and Togoland,
South-West Africa and last though not
least German East Africa. In the Pacific
Germany had Shantung and a large
185 .
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
number of smaller islands. German
colonies used to supply, though not in
large quantities, certain valuable products
to the mother country — cotton, rubber,
coffee and tobacco, for example.
We give below a list of the more
important products of the German
colonies :
German East Africa : Sisal — ^fibrous
plant, maize, tea, tobacco, coffee and
gold.
South West Africa : Diamonds, cop-
permate, some gold, tin and vanadium
concentrates, tungsten.
Camaroon : Palm oil, hides, cocoa,
ivory, almonds, some gold,
Togoland : Cocoa.
It must, however, be borne in mind
that those colonies, at the time when
they were lost, could not be considered
as either important markets for Germany’s
goods or as sources of her imports. For
before the War, in 1912 and 1913 they
took only 0.6 per cent of Germany’s
186
THE EXPANSION OP GEBMANY
total exports and they provided only
0.5 per cent of all Q-ermany’s importa
in each of these years'.
The colonies did not serve as useful
outlets for Germany’s surplus population
either. It has been estimated that on
January 1^ 1913, there were only about
20,000 Germans in all the German
colonies taken together, whereas in the
period 1904-13 Germany’s annual average
increase of population was 733,600
persons, and the annual number of
German emigrants 26,624’. Curiously
the number of Germans in all the German
colonies was smaller than the number
of Germans in the city of Paris*. This
was because most of the colonies had
very unhealthy climates. The only
possible exception was Tanganyika and
even this territory never attracted a
large number of German emigrants.
1. The Economist^ April i8, 1936, p. 120.
2. Ibid, p. 1 19.
3. The Economist^ November i6, 1935, p. 950.
187
the quest fob EMPIEE
The administration of the colonies
was a considerable burden on the German
tax-payer. The combined expenditure
on the colonies in 1912 apart from the
huge expenditure on the navy which was
directly connected with colonial posses-
sions, was £4,323,000 as compared with
the total revenue of £2,448,000'.
On the administration of these
oolonies much was written during and
immediately after the World War. The
contention of the Allies was that
Germany had miserably failed as a
trustee of the inhabitants of the colonies.
She misgoverned those territories and
had no right to retain them. The
Germans of course strongly repudiated
these accusations. Books written before
the World War or long after the
War are better guides for students of
history than those works of a controver-
sial nature. Old works, as well as recent
books show that there was nothing
I. The Economist, November i6, I935> P- 9S*'
188
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
exceptionally wrong with the administra-
tion of the German colonies, specially
after 1906 when a regular Colonial Office
was established in Berlin which was-
placed in the hands of Dr. Dernberg.
In the early stages of German
colonization, however, there are to be
found many abuses. Serious mistakes
were made first by the Chartered
Companies, which were responsible for
the government of the colonies while
Bismarck was Chancellor, and then by
the German Government itself which
took control of colonial government after
the dismissal of Bismarck.
In South-West Africa, as well as in
other German colonial possessions, the
Germans in the beginning adopted an
impolitic policy which resulted in a
number of rebellions. The most serious
of these rebellions was that of the
Hereros. The war that ensued was long
and was fought on both sides with
unusual ferocity. General von Trotha
189
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
resorted to exceptionally cruel methods.
But it must be said to the credit of the
German Government that it did not
support him and he was obliged to
resign'.
The Herero campaign and the adven-
c
tures of Carl Peters, the enthusiastic
pioneer of imperialism in Germany, were
cited during the World War as proof of
the brutality of German colonial policy.
But it was unfair to suppose that such
abuses were peculiar to German imperi-
alism. A study of the colonial history of
any of the European nations would
demonstrate that the colonial policy of
Germany was not very different from
that of other countries.
As regards the contention of the
Allies that the moral and material
progress of their colonies had been
neglected by the German Government, it
should be enough to point out that a
period of thirty years is too short for the
I. Townsend. Origins of Modern German Colonization.
190
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
development of primitive countries.'
Still the achievement of Germany was
not negligible, and its value was recog-
nized by competent authorities. Sir H.
H. Johnston, for instance, wrote in 1913 :
“They (the Germans) are quick to realize
their own ‘defects and equally quick to
amend them. As in commerce, so in
government, they observe, learn and
master the best principles. The politi-
cian would be very short-sighted who
underrated the greatness of the German
character, or reckoned on the evanes-
cence of German dominion in strange
lands’”. Still on the false assumption of
Germany’s inability to govern the colo-
nies properly, she was ousted from the
colonial field by the Treaty of Ver-
sailles.
By articles 118 and 119 of this treaty,
Germany renounced all her rights over
1. Townsend, Rise and Fall of Germany's Colonial
Empire.
2, History of the Colonization of Africa.
191
THE QUEST FOB EMPIBE
the colonies and overseas possessions in
favour of the principal Allied and Associ-
ated Powers, They were assigned to Great
Britain, including some of her Dominions,
France, Belgium and Japan. But it was
said that they were to be governed
according to a new and worthy doctrine.
Article 22 of the Covenant of the League
of Nations laid down that “to those
colonies and territories which are
inhabited by peoples not yet able to
stand by themselves under the strenuous
conditions of the modern world, there
should be applied the principle that the
well-being and development of such
peoples form a sacred trust of civili-
zation.” For this reason, “the tutelage
of such peoples should be entrusted to
advanced nations.” The tutelage was
to be exercised by them as mandatories
of the League of Nations.
German South-West Africa was
assigned by the Treaty to the Union of
South Africa. German East Africa went
192
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
to Great Britain and Belgium, Great
Britain getting the larger share. West
Africa was divided between Great Britain
and Prance. The general result of
the Partition of Africa was that of
12i million people under Germany,
42 per cent went over to the British
Empire, 33 per cent to Prance and
26 per cent to Belgium. In the
Pacific the islands lying in the North
of the equator were handed over to
Japan, those to the South of the equator,
to the British Empire or its Dominions.
Of these territories German East Africa
and German West Africa belong to B
class Mandates, which means that they
retain their separate political existence,
and are not to become integral parts of
the territories of the Mandatory Powers.
All the other former German possessions
belong to C class Mandates, i. e. they are
to be administered under the laws of the
Mandatory Power as integral portions of
its territory.
13
193
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
This was, in short, on what President
Wilson had insisted in his Fourteen
Points, “a free, open-minded and abso-
lutely impartial adjustment of all colonial
claims.”
After the conclusion of the Treaty of
Versailles, there was resentment in
Germany at its exclusion from the
colonial field. In spite of the re-
publican character of the new regime
and the progress of Socialism in Germany
during this period, there were people who
strove to secure for Germany a colonial
system which might replace the one
that was lost by the war. A small
but ardent movement was maintained.
Appeals were made to National egotism :
^‘Germany needed room to expand.
Germany must be large like the other
Powers.” When the Germans saw that
every nation of any pretension, even
Belgium, Holland and Portugal possessed
extensive empires, they regarded the
loss of their colonies as a deep and open
194
THE EXPANSION OP GERMANY
wound to their national pride. German
pride was further wounded by the
declaration of the Allies that Germany
was unfit to govern backward peoples.
The number of Germans who continued
to press for the return of the Colonies
was small ,• but they were all very active.
Dr. Schacht and Dr. Schenee' were
conspicuous in this agitation. The
Koloniale Gesellschaft established a large
number of branches to spread the
propaganda. Two magazines — Kolonial
Rundschau and Kolonialdeutsche — devoted
themselves exclusively to colonial
problems. Hundreds of pamphlets were
published lest German interest in coloni-
zation should die. Conservative news-
papers consistently supported the move-
ment. The German Government, too,
on several occasions indirectly put
forward Germany’s claim to a share in
I. Dr. Heinrich Schnee wrote a book on the subject
which has been translated into English, German Colonization
Past and Future (London 19^6).
195
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
the colonial world. When, for instance,
Stresemann first applied for the member-
ship of the League of Nations, he put
forward as one of the four conditions the
recognition by the League of the right of
Germany to participate in the mandatory
system and on May 20, 1927, Germany
made a move to secure a seat on the
Mandates Commission.
Germany remained watchful of the
status of her mandated colonies. When
Belgium incorporated Ruanda-Urundi
into the Belgian Congo, Germany pro-
tested. British desire to incorporate
German East Africa into her African
possessions met with German opposition,
and German newspapers on many
occasions remarked caustically on the
British tendency to speak of mandates
as British colonies.
While these demands were being
made by the nationalist parties and
moderate governments, the parties of the
extreme Left remained critical of
196
THE EXPANSION OP GERMANY
imperialism in any form. The Commu-
nists and Socialists were committed to
an anti-imperialist policy. They did not
wish to have any more colonial empires.
Curiously, they were supported in this
policy by the National Socialists, though
for very different reasons.
Hitler, like Bismarck for so many
years, was a confirmed opponent of
German colonial expansion. In his
autobiography he pleads for territorial
acquisitions in Europe as against what
he calls a policy of “colonial trade.” He
recognizes the necessity of expansion.
But he says that “the sole hope of success
for a territorial policy now-a-days is to
confine it to Europe, and not to extend it
to places such as the Cameroons.” And
again, “We have finished with the pre-
War policy of colonies and trade, and are
going over to the land policy of the
future.” He strongly criticizes the pre- War
colonial policy of Kaiser Wilhelm II. It
was folly,” he says, “to use up our national
197
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
strength for such objects without first
ensuring our position in Europe. An
aspiration of that sort is one of those
stupidities which in politics go by the
name of crimes.” The present large colo-
nial empires do not appeal to him, as they
did not appeal to Frederick the Great
and Bismarck. “Many European states
to-day,’' he asserts, “are like pyramids
standing on their points. Their posses-
sions in Europe are ridiculous compared
with their top-heavy burden of colonies,
foreign trade etc. One might say : point
in Europe, base all over the world.” He
compares these Empires with the
American Union, “whose base covers its
own continent and whose apex is its point
of contact with the rest of the Globe.
Hence the vast internal strength of that
State and the weakness of most European
colonizing Powers.” The Germans require
territory for settlement, and colonies are
“useless for that object.” This territory
should be such as will “not only keep the
198
THE EXPANSION OF OEKMANT
new settlers in close communication with
the land of their origin but will guarantee
to the combination all the advantages
arising from the size of the united whole.*'^
He seemed to be intei’ested only in the
creation of a G-erman land Empire.
In official National Socialist ideology
there was no room for colonies. The
establishment of a racial state was the
ideal. It was asserted by a Nazi
Sociologist that whereas Italian Fascism
stood for the imperialist idea National
Socialism believed in what he called the
“federal'’ theory, meaning thereby the
consolidation of the German peoples now
scattered in so many countries of Europe'.
Hitler, like Bismarck, thought that the
creation of a colonial Empire would
antagonize Britain. But friendship with
Britain was to be one of the basic ideas of
his foreign policy. How could he build
up a colonial Empire and at the same time
retain the goodwill of Britain ? How
I. W. Eschmann in Hochschule und Ausland, April 1934.
199
THE QUEST FOR EJIPIEE
could he fight Russia — a war with which
he considered inevitable — unless he was
assured at least of British neutrality, if
not of assistance ?
What is this Nazi “Federal” Plan,
and what is the nature of Germany’s
policy of expansion on the Continent ?
All the Germans must be brought under
the German flag. Economic need and
national honour make expansion unavoid-
able. Alfred Rosenberg, the party expert
on foreign afiaiis writes : “Racial honour
demands territory and enough of it
In such a struggle there can be no
consideration for worthless Poles, Czechs,
etc. Ground must be cleared for German
peasants.”
Clemenceau once said : “There are
twenty million too many Germans in the
world.” Hitler’s dream is the unification
of all Germans. The establishment of a
unified racial state is the fundamental
aim of the Nazis. All the Germans must
be brought within the Nordic Third
200
TIIE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
Reich. It has been estimated that
there are over 85 million Germans in
Europe, out of which GB million live
in the German Reich.' Twenty million
Germans are, at present, the subjects or
citizens (as the case may be) of twenty
foreign states. They are distributed as
follows : —
Austria — 6,300,000 ; Czechoslovakia —
3,500,000; Switzerland — 2,860,000; France
— 1,700,000 -, Poland — 1,350,000 •, Russia
— 1,000,000; Rumania — 800,000; Jugo-
slavia — 700,000 ; Hungary — 600,000 ;
Danzig — 360,000; Italy — .300,000; Luxem-
burg — 260,000 ; Belgium — 150,000 ;
Lithuania — 131,000 ; Holland — 80,000 ;
Latvia — 75,000 ; Denmark — 60,000 ; Es-
thonia — 30,000 ; Lichtenstein — 12,000.
Obviously Nazi Germany cannot fight
all these twenty states of which three are
Great Powers. She has to difierentiate
between the important and the less
important of her objectives.
I. Sprachenkarte von Hittel-Europa.
201
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
The Nazis consider the situation to be
particularly unsatisfactory in Austria,
Czechoslovakia, Poland, Danzig, Lithua-
nia and above all Russia. With regard
to other countries, Grermany has either
reconciled herself with the situation, or
does not consider it to be 'sufficiently
important. In short, Germany is to adopt
the old policy of ^ Drang nach Osten.'
Of the states affected by the World
War none suffered so severely as the
Austro-Hungarian Empire. This empire,
which, for a century, had occupied a
unique place in European polity, was
literally wiped out. The composite
Empire was dissolved into a number of
small nation-states. As a result of the
dissolution, Austria has been reduced to
a State of 6^ million people, of whom
over two million live in Vienna, the
capital. She has now become a land-
locked state, having no territorial access
to the sea. Living in Austria is expensive
and means of employment few. At
202
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
present Austria presents to Europe a
very difficult problem indeed. It is now
surrounded on all sides by hostile States.
These States, formerly possessions of
the Dual Monarchy, have adopted a
policy of economic protection with a
vengeance.* Austria is deprived of her
natural sources of supply and of markets
for her finished goods. Her economic
condition, as a consequence, has been
deplorable and has been a cause of
uneasiness not only to herself but to
other countries. Have not the economists
traced the origin of the British monetary
crisis of 1931 to the failure of the Credit-
Anstalt ?
The economic distress has produced
a social condition in Austria that is
extremely serious. Suicides are more
numerous than in any other Western
country. The number of beggars is on
the increase. Vienna, the great cultural
centre in Europe, next only to Paris, is
a decaying town. I wonder who said
203
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
it first that Germany's condition was
serious but not hopeless, Austria’s
hopeless but not serious [ There seems
to be little hope of any improvement
in the condition of Austria unless
drastic remedies are applied.
Three solutions of the difficult
Austrian problem have been suggested.
Austria may continue to live only if she
either joins one of her powerful neigh-
bours, Germany and Italy, in an eco-
nomic if not political union or she joins
a federation of the Succession States.
These are the three proposed solutions of
the Austrian problem. Every one of
them is favoured by one of the Great
Powers. Germany is anxious that
Austria should join her. Italy wishes
that she should remain subservient to
her and in any case should not become
e, part of Greater Germany. Prance
would wish her to become a member of
some loose federation of the Succession
States.
204
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
Of all these solutions the one that
seems to be natural is an Austro-German
Union, the so called Anschluss. But this
has been prohibited by the Treaty of
Versailles (Art. 80) and the Treaty of
St. Germain (Art. 88). That this Union
can be pefmanently avoided is highly
improbable. All Germans agree that the
Union must be accomplished. Even
before the coming of Hitler, an attempt
was made by the German Government
to establish a Customs Union (1931)'.
But, due to the opposition of France
and Italy, the plan had to be abandoned.
Curiously enough, when Hitler, an
Austrian by birth and a fervent advocate
of the Anschluss., became supreme, the
movement for a Union of the two
Gemanic peoples received a set-back.
The Austrians did not like to join Nazi
Germany, where Socialism had been
tabooed and Catholicism was being
I. Toynbee, Survey of International Affairs{ig'^i)iot
the projected union.
205
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
persecuted. The Austrian Government,
first under Dollfuss, then under Schusch-
nigg, adopted a pro-Italian policy.
Austrian Nazis were ruthlessly perse-
cuted.
Recently, however, a change has come
in the attitude of Austria. Von Papen,
it seems, has succeeded in bringing about
a rapprochement between the two
Oerman-speaking nations (1936). This
means an increase of German influence
in Austria. Although the agreement was
concluded with the knowledge and
consent of Mussolini, it is clear that
Italy now has begun to realise that her
hold on Austria is slipping. The only
effective way of upsetting the schemes of
Hitler is the restoration of the Habsburg
monarchy.
Unless the restoration takes place, it
seems unlikely that a Union between
Germany and Austria will be obstructed,
indefinitely. Had the desire for a union
been based on sentiment alone, perhaps
206
THE EXPANSION OF GEEMANY
it would not come. Or, if interest alone
required a union, it need not be neces-
sarily accomplished. But in this case both
sentiment and interest demand a union.
It will be difficult for Italy and other
countries to prevent it for a long time.
Nazi Germany has an eye upon yet
another country. The Third Reich is
hungrily looking at the rich territories of
Western Czechoslovakia. In a total
population ot less than 16 millions there
are about 8 million Germans in Czechoslo-
vakia, by far the largest German minority
in any country. The Germans live in the
most highly industrialized districts of
Czechoslovakia. They are well-organized.
The Suddeutsche Heimatfront under the
leadership of Henlein is a force to reckon
with. Specially during the last two years,
it has made considerable progress, and
since May 1936 forms the second largest
party (44 seats to the 45 of the Czech
Agrarian Party) in the legislature. The
party is openly carrying on propaganda
207
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
for the autonomy of their province but
secretly it is closely connected with the
Nazi party in Germany, and desires
incorporation in the Reich. The rise
of this movement is due to the anta-
gonism between the Germans and the
Czechs and Slovaks. The Germans
find it difficult to reconcile themselves
with the privileged position of the
Czechs in the government of the
Country. Nazi propaganda — through
newspapers and radio — is a powerful
factor in organizing opposition to the
Czechoslovak Government. In the trial
of the Prager Presse^ which took place in
September 1936, it was established that
Henlein had received large sums of
money for his party from German sources,
and that the movement of which he was
the leader was a direct offspring of
German Nazism.'
Czechoslovakia is naturally perturbed
over Nazi intentions. She is worried
I. Hanighen in Current History, March 1936.
208
Contra) and Eastern Europe
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
about German fortifications on her
frontier. She will do all that lies in her
power to prevent an Austro-German
Union, She is now a dependable ally
of France and Russia.
Although Herr Hitler concluded with
Poland a. Non-aggression Pact shortly
after the Nazi regime was established,
the causes of her discontent have not
been removed and they are capable of
precipitating a crisis at any moment.
The reconstitution of Poland at the
Peace Conference of Paris involved the
disintegration of Prussia. The new
Poland includes practically all that was
taken by her unscrupulous neighbours in
the eighteenth century and more. Posen,
West Prussia, Galicia have been added
to her territory. According to the Treaty
of Versailles the fate of East Prussia and
Upper Silesia was to be decided by
plebiscite. East Prussia voted for Poland
and, therefore, was assigned to her. But
although Upper Silesia voted for
209
14
THE QUEST FOB EMPIBE
Germany, the whole of it could not be
retained by her. The result of the
plebiscite was that 62.3 per cent of the
electorate voted in favour of Germany
and 37.7 per cent in favour of Poland.
In spite of this verdict, however, Upper
Silesia was divided into two halves, and
out of two million people about one
million were handed over to Poland.
Konigshiitte and Kattowitz, two impor-
tant industrial centres, where 80 per cent
of the population had voted in favour
of Germany, were transferred to Poland.
Of sixty anthracite coal mines of Upper
Silesia Germany lost as many as fifty.
But what is very much resented by the
Germans is the creation of Danzig and
the district around it as a ‘free city’ under
the guarantee of the League of Nations.
This was in order to give Poland an access
to the sea. Danzig is purely German.
This corridor has separated a part of
Eastern Prussia from the west of
Germany. Naturally it has been the
210
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
cause of much trouble between the two
nations.
The freedom of Danzig is a myth.
Poland is permitted to include this area
within the Polish Customs frontier.
Poland is to enjoy the use of all the
water-wayl^ and docks of the city. She
must be given all port facilities. Her
control over the railway system is
complete. She also controls the postal
and telegraphic communications with
Danzig. In the sphere of foreign rela-
tions, Poland represents Danzig. Danzig
is not so free after all as the name
suggests.
Neither Danzig nor Germany can be
happy over this arrangement. In the
circumstances, a certain amount of
friction between the local authorities on
the one hand and Poland and the League
on the other was perhaps inevitable.
The forced separation of the German
people of Danzig from the Reich made
them ultra-nationalist. They have now
211
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
all become Nazi, and are demanding
their return to the Fatherland. Since
Hitler came to power — in spite of the
Non-aggression Pact — Danzig has been
a great danger spot in Europe. Nazi
Germany may not like to have a major
war at the present time, but the (absorp-
tion of Danzig, made less difficult by the
eslablishment of a Nazi Government in
the Free City, should not be considered
as a very remote possibility.
Even more serious is the situation in
the “autonomous territory” of Memel.
This German territory which was not
finally disposed ofl by the Peace con-
ference and remained under the Allies
for three years was taken by force by
the Lithuanian army in 1923.* It was a
farce, no doubt. Imagine little Lithuania
defying the combined strength of the
Allied and Associated Powers. After
some time Lithuania’s title to the
territory was recognized by the Con-
I. Toynbee, Svrvey of Initmalumal Affain (i920-j j).
212
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
ference of Ambassadors (May 1924).
This convention between the principal
Allied Powers — Great Britain, France,
Italy and Japan — provided that the
Memel territory should ‘constitute, under
the sovereignty of Lithuania, a unit
enjoying l^islative, judicial, administra-
tive and financial autonomy’ within
certain limits which were prescribed in a
statute annexed to the Convention.
The application of the Memel Conven-
tion has given rise to numerous difficulties
and disputes between Lithuania and
Memel. According to the terms of the
Convention, the Governor of the Memel
territory is appointed by the Lithuanian
Government, and he, in his turn, appoints
the President of the Directorate. The
result is dead-lock and constant friction
between the Landtag, almost wholly
German in composition, and the
Directorate. Lithuania under the impulse
of nationalism has consistently tried to
make her authority felt in Memel. The
213
THE QXJEST FOB EMPIEB
people and the legislature of Mem el have
equally consistently tried to oppose it.
The people of Memel have been
encouraged and supported by all the
German Governments in their opposition
to Lithuania. It was only natural that
the Nazi regime should be even more
sympathetic towards them than the
moderate governments of Germany had
been. Nazi Germany cannot forgive
Lithuania for seizing Memel by force.
The high-handed action, even if recog-
nized and confirmed by the Principal
Allied Powers, is considered by the Nazis
as one of the gravest wrongs which must
be undone. It is very significant that
when Hitler ofiers peace to Europe he
excludes from the ofier, in addition to
Russia, the state called Lithuania.
And now let us turn towards Russia,
beginning with a short sketch of post-
war Russo-German relations.
Shortly after the close of the World
War and the conclusion of the Treaty
214
THE EXPAN8I0K OF GERMANY
of Versailles, we find in Germany a
powerful group of men which stood for an
aggressive policy of retaliation in foreign
affairs. They generally belonged to tho
parties of the Right. But although they
stood for an aggressive foreign policy,
they knew that disarmed Germany was
no match even for a Poland or a Czecho-
slovakia, not to speak of France, the
powerful western neighbour. The then
Government of Germany, composed of
the Socialists and the Middle parties,
was opposed to an aggressive foreign
policy, but was favourably inclined
towards Russia.
The U. S. S. R. on her side was not
only eager to propagate the doctrine
of Communism, she was also in search
of allies- in order to combat the
formidable coalition of her opponents.
Moreover, she required the help of a
highly industrialized nation for her own
industrial development. In Germany she
found an ideal comrade. Each country
216
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
required the help of the other. The
Treaty of Rapallo was concluded between
Russia and Germany in 1922. Included
in its provisions were a mutual renuncia-
tion of reparations, renunciation by
Germany of compensation for losses
incurred by the Germans in Russia as a
result of confiscation of private property,
resumption of diplomatic relations, and
mutual application of the ‘most favoured
nation’ principle, etc.
On this treaty were based the subse-
quent friendly relations between the two
countries. In 1924, however, the leaders
of certain important German parties,
such as the Socialist, the Democratic,
the People’s and the Centre Parties, came
to recognize that a reorientation of
German foreign policy was necessary.
For this change of view, Stresemann,
who became Foreign Minister in 1924,
was no doubt largely responsible. He
recognized that an aggressive foreign
policy was impossible, and all talk of
216
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
retaliation was meaningless. Russia was
not in a position to ofier any real help in
the event of an international conflict.
Communist uprisings in Bavaria and the
Ruhr constituted another reason for his
deprecation of too close a friendship with
Revolution^i-ry Russia. Besides, this
friendship had not brought Germany any
very substantial financial gains, which
was contrary to what had been expected.
Stresemann, therefore, struck a new note
in German foreign policy. He now
adopted a conciliatory attitude towards
the ex-enemies, particularly towards
France. The fruits of his endeavours
were the conclusion of the Locarno
Pact in 1926 and Germany’s entry into
the League of Nations in 1926.
Germany had now decided in favour
of conciliation with the Western Powers,
but at the same time she could not afford
to antagonize Russia. Because of Russian
friendship, Germany was in a position to
insist on and carry through some of her
217
THE QUEST FOB EMPIKE
demands rns-a-vis the Western Powers.
She could exploit Russian friendship
and threaten the Powers with the
reversal of her foreign policy. In short,
Germany was trying to be on good terms
with the Western Powers on the one
hand and with Soviet Russia on the
other. But it was not an easy task.
Soviet eyes saw in this dual policy of
Germany a distinct sign of her drift from
Russia. By the end of 1924 Russia had
recognized the futility of her efforts
to create a communist revolution in
Germany. The Locarno Pact and the
entry of Germany into the League made
the relations beween the two countries
very cool indeed. But a complete break
was not regarded as desirable by either
of the parties. Russia still favoured a
revision of the Treaty of Versailles,
though not with earlier enthusiasm.
Germany refused to dance to the Soviet
tune, but at the same time she carefully
avoided being drawn into any hostile
218
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
combination against Russia. Such rela-
tions continued until the beginning of
1933 when Hitler became all-powerful in
Germany.
War with Russia is one of the most
fundamental items in Hitler’s programme.
Repeatedly in his autobiography he
mentions Russia as the inevitable foe.
He calls her the “bestial” and “blood-
stained” enemy. He takes Wilhelm II
to task for the pre-War German policy.
Germany ought to have allied herself with
Great Britain in order to fight Russia.
“We national Socialists,” he says, “have
deliberately drawn a line under the pre-
War tendency of our foreign policy. We
are where they were six hundred years
ago. We stem the Germanic stream
towards the South and West of Europe
and turn our eyes eastwards Fate
itself seems to wish to give us our
direction. When fate abandoned Russia^
to Bolshevism it robbed the Russian
people of the educated class which once
219
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
created and guaranteed their existence
as a State.”
Not only Hitlers’ “federal” plan
involves war with Russia, but he is
looking covetously to the grain fields of
Ukraine and the mineral resources of
Siberia. “Germany”, he says, “is not in
the position of the Bolshevik Jew who
possesses a superfluity of land. If we
possessed the Urals, Siberia and the
wheat-fields of Ukraine, then Germany
under National Socialist leadership would
be swimming in plenty instead of having
to fight for her existence.”
Herr Hitler has publicly reaffirmed his
policy towards Russia which he calls ‘our
old enemy, the arch-enemy of humanity.”
He seems to be prepared to subordinate
all other aims of his to this aim — the
crushing of Russia. He ofiered not long
ago a peace pact even to France ; but
with Russia there can be no peace.
The pact of 1936 between Germany
and Japan, in spite of assurance to the
220
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
contrary, is clearly a move against Russia.
Germany is organizing an anti-Russian
bloc, of which Italy is also a member.
Whether Italy can be depended upon
under all circumstances is doubtful. But
the alliance between Germany and Japan
seems to be quite natural. It means that
in case of War, Russia will have to fight
on both the eastern and western fronts.
It may take long before Germany’s
Continental ambitions are fulfilled. But
there can be no doubt that Germany’s
influence in Central and Plastern Europe
is increasing. For most of these countries
Germany has already become the domi-
nant European Power. Even the
solidarity of the Little Entente seems
to have broken down. Rumania and
Jugoslavia are moving towards Germany
and away from France. There are
strong pro-Nazi elements in both these
countries. The economic penetration of
the countries of Eastern and Central
Europe carried on by Dr. Schacht is but
221
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
■a prelude to the extension of political
influence. Drang nach Osten'"’ is not a
dead formula.
The Nazis, under the influence of
Hitler, demanded the establishment of a
land-Empire. They were in favour of
expansion “towards the east”, and were
indiflerent, if not actually hostile, to
colonial expansion. Since the beginning
of 1936, however, we find them demand-
ing the return of German colonies. To
^‘federalism’’ is now added “colonialism.”
The Nazi interest in colonial afiairs
is of recent origin. Before October 1936
when a Colonial Exhibition was held at
Hanover and when the Italian invasion
•of Abyssinia began, there was hardly
any talk about colonies in Nazi circles.
While unveiling a memorial to Dr. Peters,
•General von Epp referred to the invasion
of Abyssinia by Italy as a hint to
Germany. He urged that Germany was
•entitled to receive back her colonies.
■The book of Dr. Bauer, entitled 'Kolonien
222
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
Oder nicht,’ published in 1935 with an
introduction by Dr. Schacht, also seems
to have influenced Herr Hitler.*
The first public pronouncement of the
Fiihrer on the question of colonies was
made in January (1936) before the Nazi
students in Munich.* He declared that
colonies were aquired by right of might.
Europe needed raw materials and
colonies, and by the heroic conception
of life the white race was destined to
rule.
Since then the German Minister for
Propaganda is carrying on a regular
campaign in the Press for the return of
the colonies. The German Colonial
Society has now renewed its activities.
The climax of this movement for the
restoration of the colonies was reached
when, in September 1936, Herr Hitler,
characterising the attitude of British
1. Sir C. Alexander Harris in The Quarterly Review,
October 1936.
2. The StatesmaUf January 2Z, 1936.
223
THE QUEST POK EMPIRE
statesmen towards German expansion,
referred to the famous question of Marie
Antoniette, “Why don’t they eat cake ?”
when people said they had no bread.
This change in the attitude of Hitler
and the Nazis seems to be due to the
unhappy economic situation of the
country and the influence of Dr. Schacht
and General von Epp, specially of the
former. Dr. Schacht who belongs to the
old German Conservative Party and who
is in charge of National Economics is a
firm believer in the usefulness of the
colonies to a countrj’ so short of raw
materials and foreign exchange as
Germany.
It was in 1926 that he said : “The
fight for raw material plays the most
important part in world politics, an even
greater role than before the War
Germany’s only solution is her acqui-
sition of colonies.”' He has consistently
held the view that the economic recovery
I. Quoted by Moon, Imperialism and World Polities.
224
THE EXPANSION OP GERMANY
of Germany is impossible without the
restoration of colonies. Dr. Schacht is the
man who is financing German re-
armament. He has made himself indis-
pensable to Hitler. He is in fact the only
member of the Government, who has the
courage t® criticize, even publicly, the
conduct of the Nazi Party. General von
Epp must also be considered as one
of the influential men in Germany.
He is the Governor of Bavaria and the
life and soul of the German colonial
association.
The same old arguments — over-popu-
lation, need for markets, shortage of raw
materials and foodstuffs — are being put
forward by Germans to-day.
Germany is a thickly populated
country, with 66 million people. The
density of population in Germany is about
the same as that in England ; but Eng-
land, in the words of General Goering,
has the whole world as a colony. Ger-
many, on the other hand, is a ‘Volk ohne
225
15
THE QUEST FOE EMPIRE
Eaurn/' a ‘nation without space’ to
live.
But it is interesting to note that the
people who complain that they are too
many and that their country cannot
support them are doing all that lies in
their power to increase tliejr number.
The Nazis have adopted a definite popu-
lation policy. They have imitated the
Fascists in this respect, with the difier-
ence that they are even more thorough.
There are two aspects of the Nazi
population policy ; qualitative and quan-
titative’. The object of the first is to
prevent the birth of children of an
“inferior” type. This has been done by the
Law for Protection of the Hereditary Fit-
ness of the German People, by the Law for
Preventing the Eeproduction of Persons
with Hereditary Diseases, and by the
Law for maintaining the Purity of the
German Blood. But perhaps more
1. The name of a book.
2. Alfred Mensel, National Socialism and the Family in
the Sociological Review, April, 1936.
226
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
important for the world is the quanti-
tative aspect of Nazi population policy.
First of all measures have been taken to
stop the prevention of pre^rnancy and
birth. Advertisement and sale of con-
traceptives have been wholly prohibited.
More sever® punishment is now assifijned
for abortion. Apart fiom these ne<^ative
measures, the Nazi State is encouraf^ing
marriage and child-birth and is giving
financial assistance to large families.
Grants are made to young couples who
want to marry. Subsidies are paid to
persons with large families. Property
and inheritance taxes in their case have
been lowered and railway fares reduced.
The world was amused to learn that Herr
Goering had sent a congratulatory
telegram to a woman in Prussia on the
birth of a quadruplet.
Yet, Dr. Schacht describes Germany’s
lack of space as “a nightmare”,' and
I. In a speech at the Geographical and Statistical
Society at Frankfort on December 9, 1936.
227
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
Germany demands colonies because of
over-population !
Germany must find new markets for
her manufactured goods. During the
last few years all the nations including
Great Britain, that land of free trade,
have adopted a policy of protection and
“selfish exclusionism”.' They have
raised high tarifi walls against imports.
International trade, as a. consequence, has
been considerably reduced. Germany is
not the only country to sufier from this
policy, but she has been a greater sufferer
than those countries which are either
large and self-sufficient or possess vast
empires.
Shortage of foodstuffs is given as
another justification for the restoration
of the German colonies. There is a
general scarcity of food in Germany
to-day. There is shortage of beef and
butter in particular, which has compelled
the German Government to introduce
1. The Round Table, December 1936.
228
THE EXPANSION OF OEKMANY
the system of rationing, ( December
1936). The Nazis are tryim? to shift
the blame to the mistaken af?ricultural
policy of pre-Nazi Governments. It is
perhaps even more due to the present
Nazi policy. “Fundamentally, the food
shortage s^eems to be the outward and
visible sign of the employment for capital
investment (including rearmament) of an
unreasonably high proportion of the
national income.”' To the Nazi policy of
Self-sufficiency also must be assigned a
part of the blame for the shortage of
foodstuffs. It is difficult to justify the
continuance of restrictions on imports
despite the acute shortage of foodstuffs.
For reasons of ‘self-sufficiency’ uneco-
nomic agriculture is being encouraged.
Anyhow the fact remains that Ger-
many at the present time is oppressed by
a serious food problem. Nazi leaders are
fervently appealing to the German
people to endure this hardship. “The
I. The Economist, November 30, 1935.
229
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
Fiihrer,’' said Goering, “does not butter
his meat. What he can do, you can.”
The German people, when confronted
with the awkward question, ‘what would
they prefer — butter or liberty natu-
rally answer : ‘liberty’. Dr. Goebbels,
the Nazi Minister for Propaganda, once
informed his audience that butter and
foodstufis were not as important as guns.
“We can well do without butter,” he said,
“but not without guns, because butter
would not help us if we were to be
attacked one day’’.
In the propaganda for the restoration
of the German colonies particular stress
is laid on the shortage of raw materials.
Many of the well known German leaders
have pointed out in their speeches and
writings that this problem must be solved
to the satisfaction of Germany because
“it was a necessary preliminary to the
restoration of sound world economy.”
Dr. Schacht, in a recent speech
(December 1936) at the Geographical and
230
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
Statistical Society, Frankfort, said that
lack of raw materials was even greater
than the lack of foodstuffs. Germany’s
existence, he continued, could not be
secured by commercial agreements, and
her position would remain an element of
revolutioi^ in the European situation
unless remedied.
“We want a share of the world's raw
material sources, and we shall get them,”
declared General Goering in a speech on
the new Four Year Plan, (October 28,
1936). About the same time, the German
Minister of Finance, Count Schwerin von
Krosigk, made a declaration in which
he said : “We can never renounce the
demand that the problem of the just
distribution of raw materials should be
dealt with and solved.” He said that
therein lay the key to the colonial
question.
Nations which are in a happier
position than Germany tell her that
there is no need of possessing colonies
231
THE QUEST FOR EMPIRE
for the sake of raw materials and
foodstuffs. These things may be had in
plenty, provided you pay for them.. But
apart from considerations of war,
Germany is short of foreign exchange.
General Goering and Dr. Goebbels, in
their speeches, have referred ^scathingly
to the suggestion that Germany should
buy raw materials. “We would”, said
General Goering, “if they had not stolen
our gold by reparations”. Perhaps the
economists would not agree with the
reason given by the General but they
would at least recognize that Germany
has no money. It may be that Germany’s
own policy is responsible for the shortage
of foreign exchange, but the fact remains
that she has no money to buy raw mate-
rials and foodstufis. Dr. Goebbels des-
cribed as “an impudent argument” the
statement that Germans could buy raw
materials. “Did the English writer be-
lieve,” he said, “that Germans were so
stupid that they did not know that they
232
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
could not buy raw materials without
foreign exchange ? In due course they
must buy raw materials, and if they had
not got them at home they must be
given a share in the world’s wealth.”
This is why Glermany requires, in the
words of ^General von Epp, “raw mate-
rial producing colonial territory in which
its own currency is in circulation”.
Shortage of raw materials and food-
stuffs has become so serious that after
other methods of control had proved
ineffective, Herr Hitler announced the
famous Four Year Plan of raw material
self-sufficiency at the Party-Congress at
Nuremberg (1936). The execution of the
Plan was placed in the hands of General
Goering, the Prime Minister of Prussia
and Reich Air Minister.
In his decree Herr Hitler said that
the realization of the Plan demands a
united direction of all the forces of the
nation and the co-ordination of all the
competent authorities in party and state.
233
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
General Goering has been given exten-
sive power of issuing decrees and orders
for the execution of the Plan.
Apart from economic considerations,
purely political and sentimental consi-
derations play an important part in the
present agitation in Germanj^ for the
return of its colonies. The Aryan super-
man resents the idea of his exclusion
from the work of civilization in the
backward countries of the world. The
Nazis believe in their racial superiority,
and in the right of the white race to rule
over the world. It is the white man’s
burden. It is his destiny.
That Germany has been a militarist
and therefore an imperialist country is
well known. Her philosophers have
eulogised war. Was it not Hegel who
said that ‘The health of a state generally
displays itself, not in the calm of peace,
but in the movement of war”. Nietzsche
exhorted his fellow-countrymen ‘to live
1. Hegel, Der Staal, German Edition, 1924, p. t02.
234
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
dangerously’, and exalted power for
its own sake. Heinrich Treitschke, the
Hohenzollern historian-philosopher, ex-
ploited the idea of national sovereiirnty
to combat the theory of international:
law and world peace.
Much has been written and said on
Prussianism and its militarist character,
and it need not be repeated. Nazism,
too, is undoubtedly militant in temper.
The present rulers of Germany not only
glorify war, but are making unprecedented
preparations for it. Throughout Hitler’s
autobiography can be traced the central
idea of war. “It must be thoroughly
understood that the lost lands will never
be won back by solemn appeals to the
good God, nor by pious hopes in any
League of Nations, but only by force of
arms”. Thus Hitler in My Struggle.
Ewald Banse, in his preface to 'Baum
und Volk im Weltkriege', says without
the least hesitation : “The Third Reich,
as we dream of it — from the Flanders
235
THE QUEST FOE EMPIEE
coast to the Eaab, from Memel to the
Adige and the Rhone — can only be born
in blood and iron”'. War is no longer
conceived as a measure of self-defence ;
in Nazi ideology it seems to be the end
of statecraft itself.
It has also been suggested that Hitler
may be after all following in the footsteps
of Bismarck. Perhaps Herr Hitler has
raised the colonial question “to sap the
moral strength of great Britain’s position,
to sow discord between the colonial
and the non-colonial Powers among
Oermany’s neighbours, and to confuse
and divide British public opinion,’” and,
we may add, to distract the minds of
the Q-erman people from domestic ills.
These are the possible explanations
■of Germany’s claim to “colonial equality
of rights.’’
Is there any chance of Germany
receiving back her colonies by peaceful
1. An En)s»lish translation of the book is available
•Germany Prepares for War, 19 ^ 4 .
2. The Round Tables December 193^*
236
THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY
means ? Will the League of Nations
be prepared to transfer some of the
mandated territories to Germany 7 And
even if the League be so inclined, will
the mandatory States tolerate it ? These
questions are difficult to answer.
So far as wo can judge from the
present circumstances, it seems impossible
that any of the mandatory Powers would
willingly part with any portion of the
territories assigned to it. Responsible
British statesmen have already given
Germany to understand that the question
of handing over any colonies to Germany
cannot arise under any circumstances,
and the South Africa Minister of Defence
has given a categorical reply to the
German demands : “In no circumstances
can South Africa or Great Britain
envisage the return of either Tanganyika
or South-West Africa to Germany.”'
A return of the colonies by peaceful
means does not seem to be possible. But
I. Mr. Pirow in a statement on Aug. I2, 1936.
237
THE QUEST FOB EMPIRE
it does not preclude the possibility of
what the Round Table has called “non-
territorial expansion”' of Germany in
Africa, Germany may be permitted to
share in some of the benefits which
colonies confer, as Sir Samuel Hoare
pointed out in his Geneva Speech of
September 1935. Thereby the economic
grievances of Germany will be largely
removed. We are not very hopeful,
however, that an agreement of this type
will actually be concluded between the
Haves and the Have-nots ; for imperialism,
to be true to itself, must remain selfish.
And even if the agreement does come
into existence, there is no guarantee that
the Have-nots will finally give up their
demand for territorial expansion. Impe-
rialism is seldom satisfied.
I, The Round Table, Oecember 19^6.
238
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